Working in banda at ktm, electricity pole

KTM The Banda in kathmandu PHOTO : Pradeep Kulung

Chachhuwa (A thesis of Khagendra Rai, copy right Khagendra Rai)

CHAPTER I
Introduction
1.1 Background
Rai Bantawa community has practiced and observed many rituals, rites, ceremony, and festivals according to their own tradition that is determined by philosophical theocracy, Munddum. Among them Chachhuwa is rites or rituals ceremoniously performed to offer the first harvest and grains to their Pitris (ancestors) and deities before the people themselves begin to eat during the beginning of harvesting season (autumn) the worship takes place beside the suptulung, three hearth stone, on altar where the required materials putting together. Nakchhong (priest) performs the ritual invoking the Riddum or risiwa (Krant Rai Munddum of oral text) for calling Pitris. They believe that the offering newly harvest grains to the ancestors assures the good harvest with invocation of the Pitris, pay their homage, gratitude and request for the prosperity

A study map

and strength.
Chachhuwa ritual speech is the primordial language seems something brought up by ancestors from the place of origin, which is essentially speaking, reciting, invoking in the verse. Its rhythmic pattern, alliteration, tuning, tonal quality make everyone to spellbound over it. It consists of different performative events, visual symbolism, gesture along with chanting the Riddum-Munddum version and enactment of ritual combines with aesthetic form such as song and rhythm. It is distinct in the respect of typically that the matter of politeness, of etiquette which is in the dialogue form.
This ritual’s dominant aspect is oral tradition which is directly associated with Kirant Rais’ oral text, “Munddum” also known as storehouse of ancestral knowledge. It is entirely a living oral tradition which forms the basis of Rai Bantawa cultural identity. This oral and ritual tradition is maintained, guarded, and transmitted to the coming generation mainly by the aged group, elders and Kirant priests. It is so vulnerable because it is only stored in the memory of these people. This may danger to loss memory with loss of these people. Next thing, the up coming generation becomes the alien to recognize this kind of ritual caused by trans-cultural fashion, this may be bring distraction from originality and typicality. Although some conscious circle takes the initiation to uplift and regain the archaic tradition but they are not sufficient.
Lastly the rituals, customs, rites, ceremonies of Rai Bantawa have very rich whether they are diverse, in the cultural heritage. Now various ethnic organizations have run several and campaign in order to strengthen and preserve the Rai culture, language, and ethnic identity. These things should be made the subject of studies and research that may help to find the ancient civilization, which later comes at the present position. This study also tries to add the new dimension of study on Rai Bantawa community.
1.2 Statement of the problem
Chachhuwa ritual speech is going to be forgotten and in extinct position caused by different influence of other’s way of life. However, its value remains at the same rate as before. Being an oral nature of this ritual it is vulnerable than other like scriptural tradition, susceptible to loss memory. It is rather problematic that what sustains and safeguards the vitality of this ritual tradition. The problem toward which this study is directed to identify the socio-cultural reflection and aesthetic side of ritual speech in Chachhuwa.



1.3 Objectives
The main objective of this study is try to show the relation between the oral ritual text and their socio-cultural context of Chachhuwa taking under such consideration the specific objectives are as follows:
a) To document Chachhuwa ritual among Rai Bantawa
b) To observe the structural aspect of oral ritual of Chachhuwa
c) To deal the properties of the textual tradition and its role in Rai Bantawa social-cultural life.
1.4 Literature Review
The writing on Kirant ritual culture has started focusing on different aspects. Some people have focused the linguistic aspect and some are traditional and socio-cultural issues. Some author and Munddumian experts begin to record and transcribe the ritual text intending the traditional archive should have preserved. It is very significant job for saving tradition from decay.
Some researcher and writer keep their interest to find out the typical Kirant Rai ritual ceremony festival. Bista (1967), anthropologist has been gone the credit for exploring the great and rich ethnographic heritage. He records typical culture of ethnic community including rai over Nepal. He talks about the ethnic group composition household their ritual practices and lifestyle. He writes about Rai ritual i.e. “Nuwagi (N.) is a rite perform to offer a few grains of rice to these ancestor and deities the people themselves to eat” (44).
Allen (1976) has developed the culture of research on the myth and oral tradition of Rai. Allen accomplishes his PhD dissertation on myth and oral traradion of Thulunge Rai of east Nepal. He documents several myths from the oral narration of Thulunge Rai which is associated with the complex ideas among Thulung. The myth is associated with water, lakes, serpent, milk, medicine, poison etc. He does not adopt any ideology and theory to develop analysis rather he commences his interpretation based on inherent indigenous practice and behavior. Allen asserts that in order to understand ritual speech there must necessary to undertake an intensive study of ordinary spoken language. The reliable translation of ritual speech able to give sufficient understanding of language.
Dougal (1979) prepares his monograph based on field research about Kulunge Rai. His study particularly focused on the kinship and marriage exchange of Kulunge Rai. He goes to the historical past to assimilate the present situation of Kulunge. By briefing their household size, family composition, socio-cultural affinity with relation to neighbor clan e.g. Thulung. Dougal analyses the set of opposition finding in Kulunge Rai which are associated with dichotomy between ‘upper’ and ‘lower’. ‘Hill’, ‘rite’, ‘male’, ‘we’ ‘north’ and ‘east’ are associated with one set and ‘river’, ‘left’, ‘female’, ‘they’, ‘south’ and ‘west’ are associated with other set. He gives many examples one of them:
a person always should sleep with his/ her head towards the north or east,….., the head always should have an ‘upper’ orientation and never be pointed toward the river. By contrast during funerary rite the corpse is always placed along the end of the house which faces south or west, with its head toward the river, facing down hill (65).
There could be found extreme set of opposition where ‘life’ is always upper set and death connotes lower set of opposition. This displays the dichotomy life and death.
Gaenszle (2002) studies the ritual speech of Mewahang Rai by using ethnolinguistic technique. He analyses the ritual speech in order to show the social, cultural context. He elaborates the Munddum can be seen as tradition of speaking consists of different kind of speech events- ceremonial dialogue, lay invocation, invocation of elders, and the recitation of initiated ritual expert - which is called speech genre. The oral text, which related with ethnic community, is interpreted under analysis of theoretical perspective. For Gaenszle, oral tradition on is “one of the most important means of cultural continuity in a non-literate society” (223).
Mukarung (2061BS) transcribes some ritual speech and mythology. These authors try to attempt mere documentation of oral text and mythology in Nepali script. Rai (2062 B.S,) documents the songs chanted in Rai Bantawa rituals. He has collected the materials from elders in the respective place.
Referring the Nuwagi, Dr. S. K. Rai (2005) says, “every item produced from the land has to be ceremoniously offered to the Pitris”. He further says “only after such offering one is entitled to eat and drink the item easy newly harvested rice, millet, ginger, and others” (40). The people believe that as in Gaenszle writes in his research “the ancestor are presented with the new rice and only after can they have eaten can the household consume the newly harvested grain” (211). These writers talk about the cultural practice in Kirant community, which try to signify the socio-cultural behavior.
The above mention reviews venture to unveil the typical, ritual, tradition and cultural feature among Kirant Rai community. Some of them have written to attempt the transcription of ritual text. The critics delve in to the ritual genre taking under the consideration of oral textuality. The present thesis has taken ritual speech considering that oral text are no longer viewed exclusively as symbolical expression of culture but are seen as imbedded in social and ritual praxis.
1.5 Significance
Before, the anthological research had however concentrated on the studies of social structure, kinship, caste, and religious symbolism of various ethnic groups. Now the interest research area has slightly gravitated toward oral ritual text. Many researcher and writers paying their attentions to investigate the local ritual practice and archive using interdisciplinary approach in the academic field and some institution. There are several researches on Kiranti culture that especially focused on language, myth, and aspect of culture, which may be seen as genuine indigenous ethnography. These researches not testify merely to the great interest and pride of contemporary Rai in their cultural traditions but to the concern that something has to be done to preserve them. And it is expected to uphold that the developing field of “Kirantology” will make step a head. Meanwhile the present study also has tried to attempt the elucidation of oral tradition and its socio-cultural values of Rai Bantawas’ Chachhuwa. It concerns with social and academic relevance. Thus, this study will be expected that it would be part of above mention criteria to some extent and reorienting the cultural heritage. This study opens a room for new research areas in English department for M.A. thesis. It will be helpful for those who will take further research on Kirant issues. It will be useful for those which seeking for the information about ritual traditions too.
1.6 Methodology
This study is fully based on field research in the ancestral place. Therefore, the primary data is the major resources for the study. This would not be sufficient itself. The secondary resources have become assistant to ensure the collected resources too. The study approaches the methodology as follows.
I have taken the raw but very authentic resources from the original habitat of the concerned ethnic group as primary data by the help of tape recording. The officiant, the tribal priest, and knowledgeable elders are the main resource person who can deliberately convey the information about the particular subject. I record the ritual speech (risiwa) observing the authentic performance during the exact time. However, I am not able to admit every Chachhuwa ritual performed by different priest due to technical difficulties. But I success to collect the text from Munddumian experts and Nakchhong after heartily requesting them for recording. First, I made the collected raw text (T1) transcribed in to script and then translate in to Parbate (N.) language (T2) roughly. It comes, as form of text is possible through the regular consultation of Mr. Kamal Jang Rai, Mr. Bhulanath Rai and other experts as interpreter or interlocutor. I asked directly to the text producer when the difficulty is found as soon. I transcribed the text (T1) in to Roman letter (T3). I give English translation at interlinear pattern. Translation is itself very difficult and dangerous task due to the language which associates with culture, geography, social structure etc. So I have just done rough translation into English (T3) to give sense of T1 as a whole for the convenience of study. The whole version has divided into lines, which is proceeded according to the performers taking short pause and putting the number in the head of each line.
The secondary materials, which concern with ethnographic information, theory, criticism, and analysis, are also used. They have provided the concept and general guideline for the formulation of idea.
The local elders resource person Munddum expert have made the crucial role to bring out the focusing indigenous knowledge and practice by discussing method. The regular direction and advice of supervisor, has made the better way to get the thesis into competition.
1.7 Delimitation
Rai Bantawa is itself a vast sub group of Kirant Rai; so the phenomenon of this ethnic group is diverse as well as rather complex. The present study has taken the different area of middle north-west of Bhojpur but mostly concentrated in Dilpa. Wherein homogenous socio-cultural practice and northern dialogue of Bantawa is dominant (Gerd,1991). The study is related to ritual oral tradition of Rai Bantawa i.e. Chachhuwa ritual. So it focuses on ritual speech and socio-cultural values of Chachhuwa.














Figure 1: Map of Study Area












CHAPPTER II
ETHNOGRAPHIC PROFILE: AN OUTLINE
Source Harka Gurung 19802.1 Introduction
CHAPPTER II
ETHNOGRAPHIC PROFILE: AN OUTLINE
2.1 Introduction
The following chapter is fully dedicated to refer the ethnographic profile of Rai Bantawa people. It deals with orgin of kirant people assimilating to historical and legendary finding; clans and sub clans of Rai, language, people, food, dress, religion and their lifecycle of rites.
2.2 History and Legend of Kirant Rai
“Kiranti” is known as kirant people, speaks Tibeto-Burman language family, with Mongolian looks. It is thought that, even primarily Rais (known as kkhambu), Limbu, Sunuwar and Yakkha call kiranti who settled east from Kathmandu valley, nowadays the term “Kiranti” is refered by others, too. Some of them are settled in Tarai such as Koche Meche (Ganzsle: 2000) and some are scattered in the western hill of Nepal e.g. Magar, Gurung (Budha magar: 451). There are many historical findings and legends that associated with Kirant. These historical finding, chronicles, legend, myth become bridge to go back to the origin of Kiranti.
The term “kiranta” is mentioned in the old Sanskrit text viz. Mahabharata and Ramayana. The “kiranta” are described as a warring ‘race’ inhabiting the mountains of the north and northeast. They involved in collecting of fruits, hunting, and fishing. Their golden skin color, hair knot tied on, the Napalese ‘khukuri’ are cited as being characteristic of the present day kiranti (Ganzsle, 2000). Shiva takes as a guise of ‘kiranta’ to turn against Arjuna and presented him with the miraculous pasupata weapon (Rai,1985: 3).
According to Napalese chronicle (Vansavali), the kiranta king ruled over the Kathmandu valley for the period of more than thousand years. The historian D. R. Regmi dates that this ‘dynasty’ as beginning approximately 700BC and lasting until about 50AD (62-67). The chronicle records that the kiranti arrived from the east and their period of ascendancy in the valley was over until the date of conquest of people from the west.
In his “An account of the kingdom of Nepaul….”, Kirkpatrick mentions “Kurrraute” as one of the native language which transcription peculiar to, doubtless, mean something on the order of kiranti . He also mentions among other “Dhenuwar” (Danuwar) and “Limbooa” (Limbu). Prapannacharya agrees that the origin of Kirant Rai goes to the ancient time. The ancient history of kirant is found mention and explain in the ‘Vedas’, Hindu philosophy that ancient indigenous communities and earliest settlers inhabited around the peripheral areas of Aryavarta and Jambodeepa of India over centuries.
There is lot of myth and legend that associated with particular Rais’ ethnic group. It is unanimously asserted that they arrived in this present place as immigrant from elsewhere in ancient period. Among the myth, the first of the ancestral kiranti entered Nepal’s eastern hills through Barakshatra gorge of the Koshi valley. According to Kulunge Rai version, there were three brothers – Khambuho, Menho and Metratup. Once through the gorge they separated up the different river valleys such Sunkoshi, Dudhkoshi, Arunkoshi. Most Rais in middle Kirant claim decended of Khambuho (Mc Dougal: 3). Among the Bantawa legend about three brothers: Bushuru (jetha), Bunkha (maila), and Chhngchha (kanchha). They also entered through of triveni (meeting of Saptakoshi), that is also same. Bantawa Rai people believe that they are descendant of Chhangchha. Gaenszle also mentions the myth of hero Khakculakpa among mewahang rai is the same. Harka Gurung (1980) writes “east Nepal was the domain of Kiranti people composed of mangoloid tribes….. Kirant land was subdivided into western khambuwan of rai and eastern limbuwan of limbu, with the Arun river as boundary” (344), mentioning the old kirant legend of Mao Rong Hang, who migrated from Asam defeated kirant confederation in seventh century.
So long associated with Kiranti, the hills of eastern Nepal are still referring to geographically as Kirant. In relation to Katmandu valley, center of administration, the tripatrition of kirant region, documented by Hodgson, in to wallo kirant (Near), majh kirant (Middle), and pallo kirant (Far). In terms of river drainage pattern from the Sunkoshi up to the Likhu river in to Near Kirant, Majh Kirant between Likhu river and Arun river and Far kirant extends from Arun river to Nepal’s eastern boarder. Middle kirant also known as Khambuwan, has long be recognized as the land of the Rais, while Far Kirant has been the land of the Limbus.
It is general knowledge that rai was originally a title conferred on local chiefs but it can not be said with certainty when this first occurred nor can it be precisely shown how the title Rai became transformed in to an ethnonym. A large number of the later rai were originally known under the name khambu. Before the consolidation of Nepal the vast territory of eastern part is owned by kiranti when the gorkhali soldier conquered the kirant land, Prithivinarayan Shah appointed local Kiranti head man, who were given royal commissions and honorific title ‘Rai’ or chief, to act as intermediaries between them and the state. The title of headmen ‘Rai’ eventually come to be the ethnic group as whole, even they are diverse in their dialect and ritual culture. The headmen worked to fulfill the lack of direct rule of Gurkhas and collected the tax and tenure from the ‘kipat’. In the rise of Gurkha conquest large number of Indo-Aryan speaking Hindus including the large number of chhetris and Brahmins, migrated to the eastern hills I search of land and then settle within the kiranti kipat, reclaiming waste land for cultivation, occupying the land (Regmi:95-99).
In conclusion, although the information of historical finding, chronicle, legend are not proved fairly, the mentioned term ‘Kirant’ has connected with long , respectable tradition and consequently harbor special connotation. According to the historical finding legend and myth, the Kirant community has inhabited since the immemorial time in the east of Nepal. They are mainly the Khambu (Rai), the Yakkha and the Limbu who are still the majority group in that places. Their kipat land has justified that this land is belong to these ethnic group. However, the migration flow of Kirant Rais is increasing day by day toward the town center for education and the extra facilities.
2.3 Clans of Kirant Rai
The Kirant Rai has many clan and sub clan, septs, thars, sub group, that interchangeably use, which are called pachhas in Rai language. These pachhas are evolved from incidents, name of purkhas and places in the distant passed. Although, Rais are almost all the same, every separate pachha has its own regulation and beliefs. Pachhas, or thars and up thars of many Rai coincide with their areas of residents such as the Kulunge rai of Kulung, the Sotang Rai of Sotang village etc (Gautam and Thapa magar: 157). Some pachhas are listed below:






Table 1 Pachhas of Kirant Rai with Location
Wallo Kirant
fromSunkosi to Likhu
Majh Kirant
From Likhu to Arunkosi
Pallo Kirant
Arun - Border





Western
Bahing
N. border
Khaling
Dumi
Koyu
Southern
Ambule
Jerung
S. Border
Tilung
Choksule
Dorunkecha





Eastern
Thulung
Linkhim


N.western
Sangpang
Kulung
Nachhiring

N. border
Dungmali
Waling
khandung

N.Eastern
Mewahang



E.Southern
Bantawa
Puma
chamling
North west
Lohorung(north)
Lohorung(south)
Yamphu
South Western
Athpahariya
Belhariya
Chilling
Mugali
Phungduwali
Lumba yakha
Yakkha
Source: Gurung ,1998
2.4 Habitat and People
The Rai clan or sub-clan, pachhas often recognized along with linguistic group. For instance, ‘Dungmali’ is a pachha among Rai, at the same time it is also a linguistic group. ‘Bantawa’ is known as clan of kirant rai linguistic group as well. The term Bantawa nomenclaturely use with various like ‘Bontawa’, ‘Buntawa’, ‘Buntawa’, or ‘Boontawa’ as per their convenience. The Rai Bantawa is an ethnic group which comprises a large group of mutually intelligible dialects in the south east of Majh Kirant in east of the lower Arun and in the upper regions of Morang district but they spread toward Limbuwan region as minority. In the earlier time, Bantawa may have denoted a political or religious grouping of a large number of small tribes in an around the lower Arun basin. The recent main area of Bantawa comprises that part of Bhojpur which spread over Sintang lekh hills and Aarun river in the east, the Sunkoshi in the south and Khotang district in the west as well as they immigrate toward other city places such as Dharan, Damak, Itahari, Biratnagar, Kathmandu.
The total population of kirant Rai is 635,151 (2.79 %) as CBS report, 2001 which comes at tenth position out of whole population. There is no any census, which reports the clan wise population and household. So that the exact number of Bantawa is not reported yet. The total number of Rai Bantawa is 371,056 by their mother tongue (CBS, 2001) that covers 1.6 % out of 22736934. Moreover, there is no exact number of mother tongues spoken by specific Bantawa. Since, many other people also use this dialect and many Bantawas are unintelligible to speak this dialect too.
The Rai Bantawa is one of the largest clan among Kirant Rai. It is also divided in to many sub-clans, pachhas as they mention in the following list:































Table 2 Pachhas of Rai Bantawa
Alihara
Dungven Tangluwa
Lugunsucha
Tarakhop
Angbura
Dhilungtang Tangluwa
Lugunmekhu
Teli
Atle Radhung
Yanam Tangluwa
Lugunbumsi
Telime
PhudungmiRadhung
Dupdeng Makara
Lugun Ravena
Tenkum
Nathekwa Rudhung
Lekwahang Makara
Makhang
Tenchiya
Bachana
Tarakhop Makara
Makrihang
Gaura
Badewa
Walihang Makara
Mandupa
Haddem
Balahang
Dukhun Mangpahang
Maya
Hangsung
Bakhalam Khimdun
Bungchen Mangpahang
Mengmuk
Hangwang
Banu
Hanglim Mangpahang
Mukarung
Hangkhop
Bungchilang
Hunguna Mangpahang
Mukmen
Hongchen
Bartang
Lulam Mangpahang
Moni
Hangdung
Baralun
Samke M Mangpahang
Mutel
Hangmakhimdun
Butang
Angpahang Mangpahang
Mulahang
Kamdung
Chamlung
Sahara Mangpahang
Nakchhomh
Kangbang
Chatphung
Sajhamu Mangpahang
Namdung
Khamtu
Chaurase
Sukhita Mangpahang
Rangrisa
Khahong
Chetong
Dongrang Hangkhim
Rupabung
Namrangbuk
Chichhangcha
Balung Hangkhim
Ruchhenbung
Nikhunta
Chiwaipangchoplkhang
Nira Hangkhim
Rusami
Ninamthali
Chudara Isara
Lipchu Hangkhim
Sakten
Numihang
Hangdung Isara
Rangchang Hangkhim
Sallen
Pabin
Bhongla Isara
Samsohang Hangkhim
Samauem
Pitring
Gharana Isara
Yuma Hangkhim
Sangket
Peyang
Dhirihang Isara
Fulahang
Sangsong
Puwai
Khonghang Isara
Gasmure
Sewahang
Ramudewa
Dawa
Gaurung
Siptungkh
Rathangkha
Dibet
Khamben
Sohanwa
Rangmai
Dilungchha
Khayakhahong
Sorong
Rangbang
Dukhara
Khamle
Sonaham
Rangchihang
Dikhukpa
Khimbu
Sotang
Thopchang
Diyam
Khoyungkha
Subarja
Toprihang
Dhiwatpang
Khuksang
Subihang
Waling
DiwahangEwi
Lalangpa
Suptihang
Yakduhang
Akribuk Ewai
Leknadu
Sungcha
Yangma
ThaksangEwai
Lengmuk
Surpong
Yonchen
Diwa Tangluwa
Longawa
Taila
Yuptu
Kentum Tangluwa
Lolihang
Tamla

Dhiwatang Tangluwa
Lulahang
Tarung

Source: Rajan Suptihang, 1995
Talking about the physical characteristic the rai bantawas are of mongoloid stock as can be discerned from their facial feature which consist of high cheek bones, flat or small noses depressed at the nasal roots, fold on the upper eyelids, scanty hair and eyebrows, large ear and almond saved and small eyes. Their heads are round large, bodies’ robust and stocky, and moderate height facial complexion pink and healthy and broad square chest. They look slightly different from the other tribe. They are renowned for their bravery, fearless and straight forwardness nature.
Foods
Rai Bantawas’ eating habit generally includes boiled rice, curry, dal, meat and indigenous alcoholic drinks like jand, raksi, tongba. They used to eat meat more than other item.But they are not permitted to consume mutton ritually. Their specific curry, kinama (made up of soybean) is famous for among Kirant Rai community. They accustom to take more drinks but they can easily digest because they do hardworking and labor in their farm throughout the day.
Dresses
The dress and ornaments reflect the actual identity of Rais people. Since, its own peculiarity is far beyond other community. However these are determined by the locality the Rai inhabit which makes no uniformity. The dress is design according to as sex. Kirant Rais’ dress is made up of allos bark, cotton, and sheep’s wool. The Rai women wear typical kainchimar gunew (put on under the lower part), chaubandi cholo (upper part of body), tangodongma (scarp-like cloth pieces on their head), loti (to fastened the gunew), barahate patuka (long pieces if cloth round the waits), fenga (sweater like cloth), mekhli and lukuni (made up of wool put on backside). They use thaili to keep money, which inserted in to polta tying with gunew. Lachha is used for knitting hair. Khasto is used for cover of the main body. While Rai man often wear daura-suruwal, scarp hat, mekhli/fenga lukuni (wear on upper body in cool season), ghungrati put on as jacket in rainy and cold season. Pagari (white long cloth) is the most typical wear which is put on around the head in the special occasion as honor. Patuka wear around the waist where khukuri with cover use to place. Nakchhung put on pagari (decorated by feathers of various birds) of and white robe during ritual performance.
Ornaments
Kirant Rais’ ornament is made up of gold, silver, patthar, and silver coin giving different size, shape, and embroidery. Women wear ornaments like sirphul, junchimti on the head : godawari , tariwan , kopcha, mundri,chyapte, marwadi on the ear both side; phuli, dhungri, bulaki (on nostril) on their nose; chandrahar, naugedi, tilahari, kantha, reji on their necks; rings on the finger ; bala on their wrist and kallis on their ankles. A musical instrument like murchunga and binayo are hung on the less of their choli. While, male rise put on ring on finger, wachhu/puchhu/khapchhu on their neck; bahi on their left wrist. The male uses the weapon like khukuri, dhanuban, ghuetro (for hunting game) and female uses khurmi and sickle.
2.5 Language
The term ‘Bantawa’, as mentioned in 2.2 section, denotes as language group which used to speak by Rai Bantawa community as mother tongue. The Bantawa language has genetically been classified under Tibeto-Burman family. Previously, Hansson estimates that fifty to seventy thousands speakers and while N.K. rai calculate that at thirty five thousands persons appear to be spoken Bantawa mother tongue. The CBS reports that Bantawa language is spoken by 371,056 populations, in latter census.
The language has its own unique features such as phonology e.g. nasalized sound pattern dominantly in the speech dialogue as ‘ngangkonai’ ‘rongsang’ ‘nuyang’ ‘chhang’ etc. However Bantawa is in SOV pattern, but the position of constituents can vary according to communicative needs of the speaker. N.K. Rai mentions that there are 30 consonant and 7 vowels sound while according to Dik Bantawa 24 consonant and 6 vowels sounds in Bantawa language. The simplicity and complexity of word depends on morphology structure where monomorphic word is simple and polymorphic is complex. The verb root is often in monosyllabic. Bantawa language has not found as homogenous features among different sub clan. The dialect is different in geographic distance. Hansson (1991) has tentatively didvided the Bantawa dialect as follows:
a) Eastern Bantawa: The dialect is found in the small strip of land, east of Arun. This group is called ‘Dhankuta’ dialect.
b) Southern Bantawa: The dialect group lies in the south of Bhojpur district and in Udayapur district.
c) Northern Bantawa: The dialect could be finding in the western middle of Bhojpur district.
d) Western Bantawa: this dialect finds in Khotang district viz. Bopung , Ghopa and Okhre VDC of Bojpur.
In conclusion, the language identifies particular ethnic group which fills the life of their social, cultural tradition. Bantawa language is very rich linguistic group. It is being interesting in the sense that Bantawa is one of the groups among diverse Kirant language and again it has diversity itself. So their needs many and frequent studies and research on this language. The recent situation is going worse because of shifting toward other language and socio-cultural share across different communities.
2.6 Religion and Culture
The rai Bantawas adopt Kirant religion, associated with Munddum, that is different from Hinduism and Buddhism. There are 818,106(3.60%) population who follows the Kirant religion including Rai Bantawa (CBS, 2001). Among them 64,323 number are lived in Bhojpur district only.
The Rai Bantawa take the ‘Munddum’as a philosophy of their community. Every ritual, rites, ceremony, customs and the way of life are prescribed in the Munddum. It describes the formation of universe, Sun, earth, air. It also narrates the origin of species, vegetation, and human instinct. Although Munddum exist in myth and legend form that shows the nearness of nature. The Munddum interprets lifecycle, morality with assimilation of nature and always talks about the natural balance. The man should have maintained their human quality such as honesty, truthfulness, charitable, righteousness, virtuosity. The Munddum prescribes some restrictions to the Kirant people,like, not allowed to be beggar; don’t loot other; prohibited to sex other’s wife or husband; don’t be greedy and proud; don’t jealous and envy other; prohibit to murder human beings etc.
Munddum exists in the memory of elder and priest that performs in oral form. In the course of ritual and ceremony practices the Munddum is chanted, recited and invoked according to their required manner. It is almost in verse form that is why its acoustic and rhythmical feature is rich. The language of Munddum calls the mabi yam or treaties language. Its words and terminology is very archaic and complex. Therefore, ordinary people cannot easily translate and understand directly.
Under the consideration of the Munddum, the Kirant Rai including Bantawa, practices the ritual tradition. They worship of deities believed to be living in the jungle, river stream. The Kirant Rai takes the hearthstone (named as suptulung in Bantawa as an image of reverence where their forefather resides after deceased. To worship the ancestors in the suptulung is called mang-lokma in Bantawa. The worship is almost led by Kirant priest, known as Nakchhong, Mangpa. The worship of mang-lokma is observed to pray and remember forefather who are believed to have blessing for their good health, prosperity and better agricultural production. They worship their deities by sacrificing cock hen swine etc. The things like ginger, millet, beer, chindo and banana leaves are considered very important items and compulsory for every worshipping.
Bantawa Rais celebrate many religious ceremonies in a year, the year sects in to dongwanga (B.), ascending and dongdawa (B.) or descending. Sakela or sakewa is celebrated in Baisakh purnima as performing the chandi nach. They worship the deities and ancestors for betterment of agricultural activities. The religious priest, chandi Nakchhong presides and performs all the ritual activities. This festival celebrated with great enthusiasm and happiness, singing and dancing. On this day the people all congregate at the area around the chandi than and dance in long curved lines holding hand and showing to the rhythm of the large drum that beat out sakewa sili. The Rai Bantawa worship Chachhuwa , mangsire, belechimang, hongkumang, Nagire, aathani, thampung ritual etc. The saya-chokma ritual is celebrated for the raising head soul of elders.
Observing this religious tradition the Kiranti are very distinctive and their theocracy, Munddum imparts the whole drafts of universal, which provokes only positive way. But it is now going to be disappeared with the elders because of adoption of and invasion of alien culture. There needs immediate initiative to regain back it. Otherwise the ethnic traditional identity will be elapsed with archaic tradition. Kirant Rai including Bantawas is known as nature worshiper. The nature is reflected in every worship ritual, rites, ceremony as the believed. Even, they sacrifice the animals and fowls as offering to their deities and ancestors. They don’t believe it as violence. The painless sacrifice would not be violence for transaction of soul.
2.7 Life Cycle Rites
The five life cycles rites are mainly prevalent in the Kirant Khambu, but there could be variant as famous statement said, “khola pichchheko rit, gau pichchheko chalan”. Rai Bantawa casts from birth to date also five cycle rites: nungpuma (birth rite), rungriwai (feeding rite), tangmuwa khoma (shaving off rite)/ busunungwa tit (new clothgiven to daughter), samakamma (marriage rite), and subahalam (death rite).
Nungpuma
Rai Bantawa has taken nungpuma (B.) as a first rite of life cycle. It is the birth rite, known as navaran in Nepali. When a son is born after four or on the six days the birth pollution is considered over where as it is on the three day or on the fifth days for a daughter’s birth. The elder females have performed the nungpuma. First, they purify the cot (made of bamboo cane) and then keeping the baby in to it. The baby and mother are to be taken outside. The baby should have to be looked around the four directions. Recognizing the sky, earth, hills, river, and jungle, there should be roaming three times purifying by sunpani (made of seven spring water) and chestnut leaf and burning wax on heated iron ladle. After purification is done the child is named by elders inside while naming the child it is customary that the name should be memorable one and in relevance to something. Finally, they take the meal and then farewell (Rai: 100-101).
Rungriwai
Rungriwai is, known as pasni, the first feeding ceremony of infant child. This ceremony involves the feeding of initial solid foods to the infant child and it takes place in the fourth or sixth months after birth if a son, while third or fifth month after birth if daughter. There needs some materials such as diyo, dhup, kalash, rice decorated in brass plate and sagun. Every foodstuff, which prepare for baby, are put on brass plate and require one silver coin as spoon. At first ominous looks have offered by putting cords and rice on the laying two banana leafs. Then there should have worshipped copper lamp and burned perfume, water with begging the blessing to ancestor. The elders like grandmother and grandfather firstly have to feed the child with a silver coin. Then other invited relative have to put on the tika (N.) by giving blessing and good wish. The father should give the bow and arrow as a present if a son.
Tangmuwa khoma/busunungwa tit
Among Rai Bantawa, the hair is shaved off in the first time after the male children reach three years and until he is six year old. It is the ceremony that calls chhewar in Nepali. The child has also been put on the new cloth specially daura-suruwal and topi in the occasion. The maternal uncle shaves the hair of baby by using new scissor. The dropping lock of hair should have to be holding on a tapari. During this time, the halter (rope use to tie cow) is put around the child’s neck. It means that the situation is not to be entangled in coming his way. The child unties from halter and cleans up him then the tika is put on head of child by invited relatives giving blessing. Father gives the children bow-arrow (Rai: 105).
To the daughter when she reaches 3 or 5 years and until 7 years, has given new cloth specially gunew-choli and some jewels. The ceremony is called basunungwa tit in Bantawa and also said gunew-choli dine in Nepali. Firstly, the daughter has put on the new cloth and ornament and then the parent gives blessing and good wishes putting with tika on forehead.
Samakhmma
The marriage rite is called samakhamma in Rai Bantawa community. There are mainly two kind of marriage famous in the community, eventhough some jari marriage is prevailed. The custom in which the people is for the boys folks to go and asked for the hand of girls that is known as dikumi (arranged marriage). When the marriage is happened by elopement and mutual agreement between the boy and girl that calls onaichamari in Bantawa. Sometimes a man brings woman which already marriage with other male, as a wife by paying jarical (some fund of money to he previous husband) this sort of marriage calls jari bibaha it was happened in previous time.
The marriage relation among rai Bantawa within same pachha is not allowed because they are more conscious about their blood and kin relationship. There are also many instances that are considered as taboo. For instance the relationship of phupu cheli (paternal uncle’s daughter) mamachela (maternal uncle’s son) and mamacheli (maternal uncle’s daughter) phupuchela (paternal uncle’s son) are prohibited because it is considered incestuous. Accordingly, regarding marriages within clan after the requisite depth of more than seven generation has been reached. Inter caste marriage could not also freely accepted. If son has married with inter caste girl, she is not allowed to touch suptung, sacred place and in the case of daughter the same restriction should be followed. Ideally, all marriages are monogamous that is of one husband and one wife. However, some male has hold two wife.
In arranged marriage, the boy’s side people go and asked the girls hand for the proposal. First of all, the two representative or match maker who are known as kongpi in Bantawa, are send to initiate a talk and dialogue in the girl’s house. They have also carried a pair of koseli (one wooden bottle of wine and one earthen pot of beer) for the people of girl. If the koseli is accepted by girl’s folk that is taken as a sign of agreement with the proposal and thing the mach is good. The representatives formally extent with great respect and polite to exchange share the ideas of marriage, otherwise criticism should be face. After the decision is made regarding the acceptance of proposal, the sujamat has to be performed. To complete these ritual the boys folks should have send gifts of food, a pair of koseli and money, 22 gandi (Rai: 130) for the girls household. This is known as rit-bhant bujhaune. The wedding date is fixed according to mutual consent that is declared by girl’s father.
On the day prescribed, the bridegroom, along with the party of friends and relatives preceded by a musical band of damais, goes to the bride’s house. Jantis are welcomed by bride’s father and relatives sprinkling with mixed curd and rice. The bride groom is especially received and welcomed moving round him with the candle light and kalash kept in decoration in to the winnowing tray that is called baruni garnu. They are entertained and fed rice pork, dal and drinks. During the evening, the bride groom side presents the bride with gives cloths, necklace, earring and other indigenous ornament. There should also submit every rit-bhant to every person like paternal maternal uncle etc. the bride side parent and relative put on tika to the bride and groom giving blessing and good with some gifts. The ritual of sacrificing the chicken has performed for completing the marriage. The chicken would be killed for dripping blood in to metal bowl (priti botuko). This is called henkhuwa dhama.
In the next morning, after the finishing the marriage ceremony, the bride is taken to the house of groom. The groom’s mother and some other female welcome her with dancing and great enthusiasm, they have holding ginger and banana leaf decorated calabash. They take bride inside the house where made seven piles of rice putting on banana leaves which set down just inside the door. The bride must step over every pile when she crosses the threshold. Meanwhile the Kirant priest is performing the ritual in hearth slaughtering a chicken. This calls as samkhama laune or she becomes member of this household and pachha. The samkha malaune is happened as soon as the boy marriage the girls any time. The bride should prepare food items and feed the grooms people herself. Then after, the bride and groom return back to the bride house. The marriage rite is completely over until now.
Subahalam (Death Rites)
As soon as the person dies the corpse is laid down straightly and the brass plate stand against the head and foot both side and a silver coin put on his/her forehead with sandal liquid. A brass plate of rice lamp and perfume are decorated in the head side. There would not allow to touch the deceased body by animals and Non-Rai people. Before go to burial place, there is condoled by family by putting flower and jand. Then, the dead body takes away for the cemetery by rolling the white cloth around the body and putting on the bamboo platform or coffin box. Sons carry the body heading toward the burial place. A person leads in front holding the three fire wood and mana chamal scattering in the meeting way.
The burial place is almost predetermined in the particular place for particular community. Some are in hill areas and somebody keeps in their own field. Rai Bantawa practices that the land has to be brought by paying a pebble assumed as chardam on it, before starting to dig the grave. There construct a box of stone plate inside the trench where the head of dead body is usually placed toward the east direction and covered it with stone plates. The malamis give the matti in to the grave three times by left hand. There needs two ladder of thorny plant having seven step; which standing the head side by placing one is reverse (Ulto lisno) and other in right way (sulto lisno). Right way ladder draw out along with the soil cover it layer by layer. As a belief that right way ladder may prevent from trapping the spirit of live person inside the grave if not it makes harmful to respective person. And the reverse ladder helps to enter the spirit of deceased person (Rai: 178). Materials used by dead person are kept on the grave. The malami gets back home purify them by sprinkling pure water and warming fire themselves. The purification of death pollution is normally range from seven days to five days to three days as for the locality. The kin relative brothers have to be abstained from oil, salt, meat, or food. This completes the ritual after kriyaputri touches the abstained things and sprinkle the water to them in the purifying them. In the night the, chinta is taken place in the house of funeral by shaman, mangpa. In that time, there determines where the soul of deceased should kept e.g. in samkha or outside. It is declared by bijuwa according to the nature of death. It is also called bat-olaune. If the person dies with auspicious death he/she is kept into samkha, otherwise in outside e.g. phulbari, yard.
During the above-mentioned course, each ritual task is conducted by Nakchhong or shaman. He performs the ritual residing the chants.
The Rais’ funeral ceremony has very typical but there could be find as variance according to pachha and geography.
2.8 Summary
Rai Bantawa is one of the ethnic group or community having the distinct social-cultural behaviours in terms of religion, ritual, rites coustom etc. They speak the Bantawa language which is one of the major dialects among mother language. It lies in the Tibeto- Burman family. Their life cycles rites (five types) also different from other communities although now they share same to some extent. The rich ritual, cultural practices are going to change and extinct from its originality by the effect of mechanical practices, and cultural amalgamation day to day.
CHAPPTER III
Documentation
3.1 Introduction
The following chapter includes the context; different symbolism such as material, personal and space; and text. This chapter is totally dedicated to document the Chachhuwa ritual and its ritual speech with general information. Chapter 3.2 talks about he context of Chachhuwa , chapter3.3-3.5 , describing the symbolic detail which relate with ritual and last chapter documents the risiwa or ritual song of Chachhuwa with simple description in the different section.
3.2 Context
The whole year is divided in to two halves: called dongwanga (B.) starts in the month of magh on Sripanchami and another is dongdawa (B.) begins in the month of saun on Nagpanchami in the respect of Kirant rai community. They are use to say ubhauli (N. ascending time) and udhauli (N. descending time) respectively. However, there seems to be associated to Hindu calendar, the cultural and ritual association of Kirant Rai that happens according to calendar has own, which is typical. The Rai Bantawa has, like other Kiranti, followed the same calendar. They have been involving in agricultural based occupation from previous time; that is the matter which could be reflected in their various ritual traditions.
On Baisakh the Rai bantawas celebrate the great ritual festival named sakewa with singing and performing chandi dance demonstrating various sili (dance categorize in sili) in visual symbolism. It is happened on the period of dongwanga. It is the summer season. The people start to prepare their agricultural activities such as seeding, ploughing, digging irrigating etc during this time. Before doing so, Rai bantawas use to worship their ancestors and deities on the occasion of sakewa. They are especially requesting for sed and roots of crops and favorable season and strength in each and every household. Then the performance should be taken place in certain shrine i.e. chandithan (N.) led by Nakchhong. According to experts and knowledgeable elders this performance is undertaken for requesting bhendusi (B.), meaning root of crops, which assures the best harvest and promise for offering first new grains on the occasion of Chachhuwa in dongdawa to their ancestor and deities.
In the Rai Bantawa community (esp. in study area), Chachhuwa is an important ritual which happens in the month of Bhadau and Ashoj during the ripening harvest. It is the time of dongdawa the crops, grains, begin to ripe; and rice growing in to yellowish, ginger plant turn in to phopichong (B.) meaning the course of ripening. Chachhuwa is the ritual festival to give offering of first fruit and grain. It is also known as Nuwagi (N.). The ancestors are presented with new rice, millet, ginger and other grains. After only they have offer to their ancestor and deities, the people consume the newly harvest grain. This Chachhuwa is taken as credit giving festival. Every household has celebrated the Chachhuwa ritual by offering and worshiping the various images of the reverence like suptulung, lichichhem, main entrance of a door and outside yard. Somewhere chhumasung (B.), meaning main pillar and chukutang (B.) meaning ladder corner are also worshipped. Rai Bantawas people believe as their forefather ancestor and deities live in these images of reverence respectively. So that, they worship with offering to these images separately. They have to pray and remember the fore- father who is believed to have blessing for their good health, prosperity and better agricultural production. Rai Bantawa people (esp. elder) becomes very conscious for their consummation if s/he does not offer the first rice and ginger to their Pitris in his/her house. Since they consume without giving credit a first harvest to their Pitris is to commit serious mistake, or to over value the promise of sakewa. They have asked for requesting bhendusi and promise to offer the first grains in Chachhuwa. As a good harvest depends on the support of ancestors they have to be satisfied and given their share. As honored guest, they are invited and given the pure new food before the people eat. They are always asked to remain benevolent and supportive.
It is happy occasion. It is a time when the work is about to be completed, the hard days of foods scarcity are over and food is plentiful again. The weather changes in to clean and clear. The villagers have arranged the schedule of ritual celebration because many household have been taken by Nakchhong. They have celebrated in household and invited the surround neighbors. The communal meal of the first rice (but nowadays not available due to seed which takes long period to ripe) is held in the house of client. After the meal the elder sit together inside the house and drink millet beer giving blessing and thanks as a farewell.
3.3 Material symbolism
a) Cooked new rice in to pot [samkha-kok/sali-kok]
b) Two banana leaves with half tip side [tupla] for putting offering: one is alter construction and next one on lichichhem/mangchhem
c) Unhusked rice [arawa]
d) Ginger plant [subi]
e) One female chicken [paunwama]
f) One calabash of millet beer decorated with rolled banana leaves [soleya]
g) One brass bowl of millet beer covering with two small piece of banana leaves [chhatiwa]
h) Tongba with millet beer ( sometimes alternative use of calabash)
i) Tools (used in cultivation : arrow and bow [mukhetali], kodali, bancharo)
The offering of Chachhuwa would take place nearby the hearthstone wherein constructs on alter. It is the most sacred shrine place of the house. First, a banana leaf (tupla) is laid on the ground. The unhusked rice, pieces of ginger is placed on the tupla. The cooked rice (samkha-kok), various wild meats, fish, and other foods are put on it decorated in order. Calabash of millet beer which decorated with roll banana leaf is placed on the right hand site. Some one may use tongba with pipe. While one brass bowl of millet beer covering with small leaves of banana (chhatiwa) is placed on the left hand side. Other tools also keep near the periphery.
3.4 Personal symbolisms
In the Rai Bantawa, after the death, person will be categorized their personal identity according to their death nature and attitude during living period. The person who used to play hunting game in his prime age is called Apturung, Beherung. They are follows:
a) Pitris: The person who dies in the certain age, no any disease to cause death or accidental death, murder death or said auspicious death is liable to be categorized as Pitris or also calls samkha. They are pure Pitris. They are believed to be residing in suptulung or samkha i.e. visually shrine three hearth stone. The term saku-dipa (male), saku-dima (female) is called by priest during offering to the Pitris.
b) Aptarung: they are variously named according to their attitude during living. The person who uses to play hunting game to the victim in his prime age is called Aptarung, Beherung after deceased. Their assumed to be reside in lichichhem.
c) Duware: They are also variously named. They are assumed to be believed that they work as gate keeper. The performer takes the name like Hanglema, Khoretma etc.
d) Sinhe-bayu: The person who dies in prime youth, the death caused by serious disease, accidental death, murderous death, someone who died in delivery case (a female) or inauspicious death that are categorized under Sinhe-bayu.
Among the above category, the very first one is taken as pure and shrine ancestor. The experts claimed that others are less respectful than Pitris in the hierarchy from second one. They are more powerful in their own domain. Pitris, according to Bantawa elders, command the house and save from bad fortune. The people keep shrine place and avoid the prohibited matter.
3.5 Space symbolism
Mentioned in chapter 3.3, these personalities are assumed that to be residing in various spaces. They are follows:
a) Suptulung: Even though the identification of the three hearth stones by their proper name is various. It is commonly use to call suptulung that is locating in the left center of house. They are buried of its half portion under the earth. They are stand in triangular position where the pot can be easily placed on. A rack would parallely hang over the ceiling. However, it is practically used for cooking foods as oven. The stones of the hearth are generally seen as “seats” of the ancestors. Thus it is assumed to be the shrine place of house. So it has given name samkha too in Bantawa. Though ancestral power also reside in other places (e.g. store room, main pillar, mang-rack), the ancestral link with the hearth is strong. According to knowledgeable elders, the person will be entered into this hearth whose death is auspicious among the Rai Bantawa. The hearth is often worshipped three times in year; sakewa, Chachhuwa and mangsire; they happen in the beginning of cultivation, ripening of grain rice and storing time of grain respectively. The hearth is considered to be vulnerable to pollution. No alien substance (Gaenszle, 2002:227) should be burned (e.g. cigarette, plastic, rubber etc). The “goat” oriented matter is taboo to touch the suptulung and non-Rai people have not been allowed to go near.
b) Lichchhem/Mangchhem: It is often placed on the wall which is right hand side from the priest when the offering taking place. There reside the AptarungMunachiwo. They don’t want to enter in suptulung or samkha. If they are forced, there may chaos in samkha. As a result, the family member will face the loss of health. One calabash is decorated upon spreading on this rack, Lichi-chhem. It also used to call Mang-chhem synonymously.
c) Main door/Entrance: The Rai Bantawa believes as the deceased personality who is categorically less respectful and deities have been lived in the main door or entrance. They live their age and gat keeper. It is worshiped in the time of Chachhuwa .
d) Wasuri: The front side space of house, where the rain drop falls, is called wasuri. The offering is given to the sihe-bayu in wasuri. They are live in garden in phulbari or somewhere.
3.6 Performance
Chachhuwa ritual is performed slightly difference within the Bantawa pachhas in the case of offering procedure, sacrifice, alter construction. There may happen due to being vast community spread over different places. Somewhere, knowledgeable elders would take the offering; even it is often conducted by Nakchhong (shaman or priest), chandi bijuwa (N.) in the study area, Dilpa. He has a special competence in ritual speech. Ordinary people also support him to precede performance. The priest sits in front of alter construction besides the suptulung. He acts as a lead performer. The senior householder also sits nearby. The priest addresses toward the house shrine in risiwa (singing of Munddum). The knowledgeable elder also puts his/her voice together. The invocation is acoustically dominant that vibrate the house shrine. So there is tempo, rhythm, alliteration, tuning, tonal quality in the speech. The performer is conscious in the turn taking of tuning according to addressed situation because there would be perform effective.
First of all, the offering is given to ominous look outside that is called chokha mansaune in Nepali. Then calling the name of soil which is the particularity of place where Bantawa situated (according to Kamal Jang Rai). When I have undertaken the performance of Chachhuwa as for as possible in Dilpa; firstly, the Nakchhong (performed by RC) invokes the mangnung. Second, he raises the suptulung invoking the samait (gotra .N) - name of particular sub-clan. Nakchhong illustrates all the things which is presented on alter orderly. He interprets the situation why this ritual going to be held. He offers every price of offering by calling their ancestral forebears’ name of both male and female from recent death to previous in the ascending line. Every speech proceeds along with visual gesture through the movement of hands and facial expression. Third, the chicken (female) is offered. The chicken should be sprinkled when the performer pour the water and millet beer on the head. It is taken place thrice time and then sacrifice. There offer baked liver and foot-wings of chicken by moving hand. Fourthly, the performer offers and worships to hunter forefathers in Lichi-chhem. Fifth the offering conducts in the main entrance or door. The performer does close and open the door with sprinkling millet beer. Lastly, the priest offers toward the outside yard. This is especially for the sinhe-bayu.
In this course, the performer should be aware in his conduction. There should have perfectly ordered. Otherwise, as a belief, the offering is not being fruitfull. Consequently the house holder and priest will might get bad situation, such as loss of health, loss of properties.

3.7 The Text
The following transcript is based on a recording of Chachhuwa ritual during the new harvest in Dilpa. Although this text is taken from actual performance of Chachhuwa ritual by Nakchhong, but most of them are taken from requesting to convey the Munddum in other times (not performing time). The following text comes to here by editing, arranging form, but not distorting its main spirit as for as possible. The following text has been remained in verse form which was taken during singing a risiwa by Nakchhong.
I.
1 Selewa rumrumawahai,Tayalu suserawahai, Apchona phunglenachhawahai

This is mangnung of Ewaichha pachha among Rai Bantawa. The mangnung should be recited in the beginning of ritual. Every pachha has own mangnung. The mangnung refers to the special quality of special person got in dream who has extra human quality. S/he has extra knowledge of Munddum. He always dreams of extra ordinary things rather than what ordinary person does. He or she has divine like personality. After his/her death the mangpa (shaman) declares that the mangnung comes with her/him in the funerary rites. The kin brothers start to practice this mangnung in their lifecycle rites, ritual and ceremony. The version of mangnung is often made of three terminologies. It has special connotation belonging to the particular pachha.
II
2 one a:… sawa-lung, khawa- lung, chheku-lung- da; suri-lung, thuma-lung, bara-lung- da; Riddum-lung, rungri-lung-da, yayomma yamuniwo saku-dipa-chi saku-dima-chi
Hey!…, living in Son-hearth stone, Asset-hearth stone, Daughter-hearth stone; living in Upright-hearth stone, laying-hearth stone, Barrier-hearth stone; living in intellectual hearth stone, power hearth stone; ancestral-forefather ancestral-foremother.

3 dongdapma ailo chhangchhayupou chikhim-da,anko khimpeni-namppeni chikhim-da, dukchhami buwamio chikhim-daEwaichha pachhao Chachhuwa -lokma yamungnga ha
Now dongdawa (winter) starts, the offering of new harvest is going to conduct in this chhangchha’s home, neighbour’s home, kin-brothers’ home.

4 kuiyama-yung mamudanin, chhiyama-yung muwanin
Don’t be jealous and anger; do good talk.

5 chhelubasu mamudanin, hadisu muwanin
Don’t bad talk, express good matter.

The Nakchhong raises the suptulung with calling the samait (is a special name a particular pachha or clan of client household. Every domestic ritual must have start from the hearth among Rai Bantawa. As mentioned in line 2, raising the suptulung, there is calling ancestors who reside in samkha. It should make them attentive for the good frame of situation. In these versions, the variable of proper name for hearthstone is mentioned according to the perspective what the people presuppose as belief.
i.
6 One a:... saku-dipa-chi saku-dima-cheu ! amno sanung sanungdaye
O! Ancestral forefathers foremothers, in your namesake.

7 woda tuplachhari ripetsai
Banana leave (tip) lays out here.


8 sirichhenma khambodima, solonchhari sangmariya ripetsai
A calabash of millet beer decorating with banana leaves stands out here.

9 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripetsai; duduriu-cha, himuri-cha ripetsai ; kaya-cha, bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha ripetsai
Tools earned grains are brought here, milky grain, Himalayan grain, wet land grain, millet, kagun are presented.

10 subi-bung, sayapatri-bung, kopila-bung ripetsai
Ginger plant, marigold flowers, buds are presented here.

11 thmpung-sa, dibung-sa, lachong-sa, ripetsai; totla-sa, khiri-sa, ngaya-sa ripetsai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, bear meat, fish are presented here.

12 sali-kok bhangma-kok samkha-kok ripetsai
New cooked rice, pitri rice are presented here.

13 Phenkuwa-dam tongbari-dam chhatiwa-dam ripetsai
New beaten rice, tongba, chhatiwa are also presented here.

14 jaranga ngaksiri rikipenmanchin oisa ripena-penakiya
All the offering prices are orderly presented here like banana row/line.

The Nakchhong interprets the presented material for Pitris which is essentially required in Chachhuwa lokma (B.). They are orderly presented on altar construction.
ii.
15 si-cheu dongwanganaga ladeu lawanganga; kharu-chha kharu-rongsang, bele-chha bele-rongsang
O! Forebear, during summer season, valorous son has done hardworking; farmer son has done labor.

16 hidalo, rungri-da rong; sakhanga-da rongwalo si-cheu
So that, ancestor forebear, I requested success and prosperity.

17 ailo supchiwo dondawaki, bantimo lasani
Now, the time is winter (descending), the time is turned.

18 chihu-nam chhang chippa-nam lisa
Wet-dirty day turns into tidy and clean.

19 chhinyari-ma yoiyaki, begleku-ma yoiyaki, napiling-ma yoiyaki, narowa yoiyaki
Chhunya bird, beglekma bird, napilingma bird, karyangkurung start to descend toward the basin valley, plain.

20 wabhurungma saganammou
The rainbow (seen in the south side during last of monsoon) has been seen.

21 khoidange ailo, pokhari-cha, watapsu-cha bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha subi-upla, chhima-upla, yama-upla , chhima-chhowa, paya-chhowa ; ten-chhowa
Therefore, now, wetland rice, millet, kaguna(N.), ginger plant and many grains have turned in to yellowish and they have ripen; the countryside also seen yellowish too.

The situation of the time is delineated by stressing the appropriateness of the time and with relation to previous one event (see line 15) and by specifying the kind of grain which is ripening (see line19).
iii.
22 khosanung sanungdaye
In this context

23 saku-dipacheu saku-dima-cheu, ailo amno sanung sanungdaye
Ancestral fathers ancestral mothers! Today, in your namesake.

24 oko chhangchha yupo chikhim-da
In this chhangchha son’s house

25 amno chhuku-lokni, lanku-lokni, sirio- tatchha –lokni metna ninone ha
Raising your hand, raising your foot, raising your head, I am worshiping you offering new harvest grain.

26 saku-dipa-cheu saku-dima-cheu mashiphenma lolisanichhang ha
Ancestral father-mother! if there is disorder, mistake, insufficiency, please, take it good, as sufficient.

27 mangchhami khirimichhang boyongkhda yayomma-yamuniwa
O! Placed in store house, ancestors, sit in your own place.

28 ailo, maba-chha kubi-chha, yamunchunkai chikhimdaye khimpeni nampeni yayomma yamunko, dukchhami buwami yayomma yamunko
So today, I become priest in the house of neighbors, in the house of kin brother.

29 ailoni khoidange
So today


30 Mabi-hang Mabi-hangma-cheu, Kubi-hang Kubi-hangma-cheu, Lesa-hang Lesa-hangma-cheu, phidu-hang phiduhnagma-cheu
Mabi-king Mabi-queen Kubi-king Kubi-queen Lesa-king, Intelligent and experienced Excellency,

31 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetsai, tongbari-dam, chhtiwa-dam ripetsai
Banana leave laying out here; a calabash of millet beer standing here; tongba, chhatiwa is also presented here.

32 pokhari-cha, bancharo-cha ripetsai; watapma-cha, khoriya-cha, bagar-cha; subi-chong, phopi-chong woda ripetsai
Pond rice, wetland rice, slash and burning grains, ginger plant are presented here.

33 sali-kok, bhangma-kok, samkha-kok ripetsai; totla-sa, thampung-sa dibung-sa, lachong-sa, ngaya-sa ripetsai
New cooked rice, Pitris rice, hunting meat, deer meat, fish, beef are presented orderly here.

34 berawa hemyang oisa rpena-penakiya
All the things are presented here in arrange like parrot’s feather.

35 chanum dunganum
Eat and drink!

36 am boyangkhada yayomma yamuniwo
Please, sit your own place where you used to sit.

37 sisum-tukma khulu-tukma mamudanin
Don’t remember, love us.

38 maisumi dakhami mamudanin
Don’t envy and jealous us.

39 kuiya-ma-yung mamudanin
Don’t bad talk.

40 chhiyama-yung muwanin
Talk good.
41 chhelubasu mamudanin
Don’t express bad matter.

42 hadisu muwanin
Express good matter.

The priest addresses the proper name of various personalities e.g. Mabi-hang, Kubi-hang, Fidu-hang etc .they are calling to come with pleasant frame of mind. They are requested to live their own place where they used to sit and do not jealous and envious.
iv.

43 One a: … (take name of recent dead) chhangchhayupa lonatinko sakuo-dipa-cheu
Hey!… being included in samkha (suptulung) (name) ancestral father.

44 amno sanung sanungdaye
In your namesake

45 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetdsai
Banana leaves laying out here, a calabash of millet beer standing here.

46 kodali-cha bancharo-cha ripena-penakiya
Tools (spade, axe etc.) earned grains are presented here.

47 duduri-cha, himuri-cha, pokhari-cha, watapma-cha, bakhulup-cha suikup-cha,chhima-upla subi-upla chhang ripena-penakiya
Milky grain, wetland rice, millet, kagun, rice plant, ginger plants are presented here.

48 sali-kok, bhangma-kok, samkha-kok yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, pitris rice has come here.

49 Phenkuwa-dam yobanawoneha;, tongbari-dam yobanawonehai
New beaten rice, tongba has come here.

50 totla-sa, thampung-sa, piya-sa yobanawonehai; khiri-sa, dibung-sa ngaya-sa, lachong-sa yobanawonehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, fish have come together.

51 one a:. .. sakuwo dipa-cheu chanum dunganum
O! ancestral father eat and drink.

52 one a: … saku-chi dipa-cheu chhangchha-wo lonatinko
Remained in samkha, o! Ancestral forefathers

53 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetsai
Banana leaves laying out here, a calabash of millet beer standing here

54 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripena-penakiya
Here, tools earned grains are presented

55 duduri-cha, himuri-cha, pokhari-cha, watapma-cha, bakhulup-cha suikup-cha, chhima-upla, subi-upla chhang ripena-penakiya
Milky grain, mountain grain, wetland rice, millet, kagun, rice plant, ginger plants are presented here.

56 sali-kok, bhangma-kok , samkha-kok yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, pitri rice has come here.

57 phenkuwa-dam yobanawonehai, tongbari-dam yobanawonehai
New beaten rice, tongba has come here.

58 totla-sa, thampung-sa, piya-sa yobanawoneha; khiri-sa, dibung-sa ngaya-sa, lachong-sa yobanawonehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, fish have come together.

59 saku-chi, dipa-chi sinnaminko toktaminko woda amno hubda chanum dunganum, yungkungsa tungkungsa chanum dungganum
O! Unknown, unseen ancestral forefather, here, every thing brings out in common, take them each other cordially, eat and drink!)

60 amno sewa one i…
in your sevice….

v.

61 one a:…. sakuwo dima-cheu(name) chenkha-ma lonatinko
Hey!… being included in samkha ancestral mother.

62 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetdsai
Banana leaf laying out here, a calabash of millet beer standing here.

63 kodali-cha bancharo-cha ripena-penakiya
Tools earned grains are presented here.

64 duduri-cha, himuri-cha, pokhari-cha, watapma-cha, bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha, chhima-upla, subi-upla chhang ripena-penakiya
Milky grain, wetland grain, millet, kagun, rice plant, ginger plant are presented here.


65 sali-kok, bhangma-kok, samkha-kok yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, Pitri rice has come here.


66 phenkuwa-dam yobanawonehai, chhatiwa-dam yobanawonehai
Beaten rice has come here; chhatiwa has come to here.

67 totla-sa, thampung-sa, piya-sa yobanawonehai; khiri-sa dibung-sa ngaya-sa lachong-sa yobanawonehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, fish have come together.

68 one a:... sakuwo dima-cheu chanum dunganum
O! Ancestral mother eat and drink.

69 one a:… saku-chi dima-cheu (name) chenkha-ma [reciting samait (B.), gotra (N.)] lonatinko
Hey!…, being included in samkha, ancestral mother.

70 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetdsai
Banana leaves laying out here, a calabash of millet beer standing here.

71 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripena-penakiya
Tools earned grains are presented here.

72 duduri-cha, himuri-cha, pokhari-cha, watapma-cha, bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha, chhima-upla, subi-upla chhang ripena-penakiya
Milky grain, wetland rice, millet, kagun, rice plant, ginger plants are presented here.

73 sali-kok, bhangma-kok , samkha-kok yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, pitri rice has come here.

74 phenkuwa-dam yobanawonehai, chhatiwa-dam yobanawonehai
Beaten rice has come here; chhatiwa has come to here.

75 totla-sa, thampung-sa, piya-sa yobanawonehai; khiri-sa, dibung-sa ngaya-sa, lachung-sa yobanawonehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, fish have come together.

76 woda saku-chi, dipa-chi sinnaminko toktaminko amno hubda chanum dunganum, yungkungsa tungkungsa chanum dungganum
O! Unknown, unseen ancestral fore mother, here, every thing brings out in common, take them each other cordially, eat and drink!

In the section, the price of offering dam (N.) is given to the every ancestor (living in suptulung). The name of person is pronounced as far as remembered by mentioning their samait (the samait of female would be different because of marriage exchange from different pachhas).In this section, the male line is first and latter the female line of Pitris are invoked and presented in ascending sequence. Very recent deceased person who entered in the samkha should have given first. One of the Nakchhong replies of the question “why is the recent dead given first?” that s/he does extreme desire to offering and s/he and also becomes distributor. Tongba is given to the male ancestors while the chhatiwa is preferentially given to the female ancestors. The visual gesture is performed by movement of right hand for female and left hand for female. Lastly all have to offer unknown and unseen Pitris in common at the same rate. Every Pitris have been requested for blessing, strength, good health, plentiful grain and prosperity of house, farm and animal shed.
vi.
77 one a:…. saku-dipa-cheu saku-dima-cheu amno sanung daye
O! ancestral father ancestral mother in your namesake.

78 dongdapma muwane
It is the time of starting dongdawa.

79 pangwana pukha rungchenla
Chicken rise-place rungchenla, the place of origin of chicken is malingo bush.

80 khoidangle ailo, woko uk panwama loktiyangka one
So that, today this one chicken present here for offering.

81 ichi-lokma yametna khidai
Shake your head with sprinkling.

82 sirichhenma khambodima solonchhari sangmariya ichilokma yametnakhidai
Shake well your head sprinkling millet beer and water, sprinkle clearly.

83 arawadam subidam, total-sa, ngaya-sa khiri-sa lachong-sa ripetna khidai
Putting unhusked rice, piece of ginger, and various meats.

84 ailo hangchha-wo kukapma lolisanai
Today, you would go along with human being (deceased).

85 ruwaremma yamettangdai, khayuchhung muwanin, warilokma muwanin
Shake your head well; sprinkle your head well.

86 rumi-khang muwanin
Show to acquaintances who are sitting around.

87 nungnu-lokma channu- lokma yamuwanin
Talk listening-worthy, reciting-worthy matter.

88 maisumi dakhami mamudanin
Don’t be jealous and envious.

89 kuiyama-yung mamudanin
Don’t say wicked matter.

90 chhiyama-yung muwanin
Say good matter.

91 chhelubansu mamudanin
Don’t talk bad expression.

92 hadisu muwanin
Talk good expression.

93 danwa-dumma kankari-ban hichichhenma yametnakhidai the…le…le…yobaisu
I sacrifice you by using knife, perform well dropping blood.

94 one a:… Suptulung-da yunginwo saku-dipa-cheu saku-dima-cheu
Hey! living in suptulung, ancestral forefather ancestral foremother…

95 mangchhami khirimichang
O! living in store place, deities.

96 amno sanung sanungdaye
in your namesake

97 hanloni pangwan-ma-wo hochi-sa, lapitang-sa, thampung-sa, dibung-sa yobanawonehai, chanum dunganum
Now, baked/burned liver, foot-wings of chicken; hunting meat have come to here; eat and drink!

One female chicken is presented to offering. As Bantawa believe, human being takes their live in the earth with panwama (chicken), tali (arrow & bow) and yangban (knife) and they will farewell along with them. So chicken would be sacrifice for the accompaniment of deceased spirit. The Nakchhong recites the origin place of chicken for their honor. There would be taken thrice time to sprinkle the head of chicken with water and millet beer and arawa. It is sacrificed by hitting on back. The drop of blood would be fall clearly through the mouth. If it is not performed by this chicken the people assume that it is a bad symptoms or guess that the Pitris are being displeased. Lastly burned liver, foot-wings and other material are offered requesting the blessing.
vii.
98 Hanloni, saku-dipa-cheu saku-dima-cheu oko chacha-wa pipi-wa yannangnaninwo
Hey! Now, ancestral forefather foremother these things and drinks are offered here.

99 Amno chhuku-lokni, langku-lokni, siriotatchha-lokni kiya rungri choksi sakha muwanum ha
Raising your head, raising your foot, raising your head, please grant us prosperity.

100 Tayamulu, ngayupusung, rangpu chhampunga, amyong baisanum
Provide skill, wisdom,beautiness; provide good voice to recite.

101 Chhapla chhamma Riddum-Munddum yengdung mumathakma amyong baisanum
Provide ability to read and write; make able to recite Riddum mundum.

102 Saba-olong olong muwanin
Grow bold and excellent son.

103 Chheku-olong olong muwanin
Grow valiant and excellent daughter.

104 Kharukha namnusa
Provide the good farming with prosperity.

105 Hadila namnusa
Make animal farming good with prosperity.

106 Tayalu namnusa
Make sharpening the store of brilliancy.

107 Saba-olong olong musaye
Fulfill the wish of son.

108 Chheku-olong olong musaye
Fulfill the wish of daughter.

109 Khaba-yentho yentho musaye
Provide the prosperity of property.


110 Chasum-yentho yentho musaye
Provide the prosperity of grains.

111 Sari-sengma koku-sengma muwanin
Keep away the disease.

112 Mulu-wo wa-klam, dakki-wo ta-klam,sikki-wo su-lam oisa tongayatong rimayarimlo lisaninko; chupta-ya chhunka namnu-sanum;benwa chhuknga namnu-sanum
Like ordering speech of Wiseman, thread of spinning, skill of skillful person; grant the possession of might of right hand; grant the possession of might to left hand.

113 Kharu-namnga namnu-sanum
Make shine excellent.

114 Bele-namnga namnu-sanum
Make shine agro-power.

115 Basa-wo lam-nga tuma-wo lam-nga muwanum
Make a way of safety/security; make away of excuse/apology.

116 Wong-mara rak chhu-mara rak rak-nga muwanum
Make the heated power. Make bright, strong, and mighty power.

117 Namochhimokhiya dongda uisaringa amno lokni melaninwone
I’ll give offering to you next time, like this time.

118 Amno sewa one…
In your service…

In this section, Nakchhong requests for blessing, good health, strength, saha (N) of grain and prosperity of house ad farm and animal shed. However, when I observed the performance in the study area there is found that this version is taken place during the offering to each and every Pitris. I placed it here in the text for the betterment of reading. Basically the formulaic pattern of speech from the previous section are repeated i.e. the passage or word associated with statement and request. The request is finished with promising of next offering.
III
119 One a:… woda sawa-chhem, lichi-chhem-da, yunginko chhanchhai-pachha-wo, aptarung munachiwo, bayarung munachiwo, dhiyara munachiwo, wasepla munachiwo, khapchela munachiwo, dibuna munachiwo, tokana munachiwo, matmana munachiwo, likhuri munachiwo
Hey… here, living in sawa-chhem, lichi-chhem, chhangchha, hunting forefather (aptarung, bayarung, dhiyara, wasepla, khpchela, dibuna, tokana, watmana)

120 subi-dam, arawa-dam, phenkuwa-dam, yobanawonehai .
Price of ginger, unhusked rice, beaten rice have brought out here.

121 sali-kok, bhanma-kok, samkha-kok, yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, samkha rice is presented.

122 thampung-sa, dibung-sa,ngaya-sa, lachong-sa yobanawanehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, fish, beef are presented.

123 sirichhenma khambodima , tongbari-dam yobanawanehai
Pure millet Beer, tongba are presented here.

124 amno hubda yung-kungsa, tung-kungsa, chanum dunganum.
Take them in common cordially each other eat and drink!

125 kodali-ban, ngangkonai, bancharo-ban ngangkonai, khurumbi-ban ngangkonai, banteli-ban ngangkonai, katar-ban ngangkonai.
I use spade; I use axe; I use knife; I use sickle; I use iron tools during farming.

126 hadila namnusa, kharukha namnusa, tayalu namnusa phuruwa wawaksa
Make good livestock; make flourish cultivation; make shining wisdom.

127 amno sewa one i…
In your service...

Then offering goes to peripheral residence of ancestor and deities turn by turn. Lichchhem is the place for offering where various hunter ancestors reside in.
IV
128 one a:… laptikhong, duwari phaleku-da yunginko-cheu
O! living door entrance forebears.

129 hanglen-ma lontinko, khoret-ma, lontinko, kubiyak-ma, lontinko lali-hangma lontinko .
O! Door deities (Hanglen-ma, Khoretma, Kubiyak-ma, Lali-hangma)

130 subi-dam, arawa-dam, phenkuwa-dam, yobanawonehai
Price of ginger unhusked rice beaten rice have brought out here.

131 sali-kok, bhanma-kok, samkha-kok, yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, samkha rice are presented.

132 thampung-sa, dibung-sa, ngaya-sa, lachong-sa yobanawanehai
Hunting meat, deer meat, fish, beef are presented.

133 sirichhenma khambodima , tongbari-dam yobanawanehai
Pure millet beer, tongba are presented here.

134 amno hubda yung-kungsa, tung-kungsa, chanum dunganum
Take them in common cordially eat and drink!

135 kodali-cha khorubutte, bancharo-cha khorubutte, chohelibag khorubutte
Call the prosperity of spade earned grain, axe earned grain crops.

136 chhi-lam chhekma mamudanin
Don’t block the way.

137 chhi-lam duitma muwanin
Clear the way.

138 lam chhekma mamudanin
Don’t resist the way.

There is request for prosperity or property (line 135) avoiding disturbance and resistance which mention in (line 136-138) as well as open the door for good arrival block for evil.
V
139 hanloni molo wasuri-busuri-da yunginko chakacha wakdung, bayabungma, hanglema cheu amno boyang khada yayomma yamuniwo
Now, o! Living in outside yard, being sinhe bayus; sit your own place where you used to sit.

140 kakchela munachiwo, salawa dondiwa, hallawa-mamang bubu-laya bubu-khada yayomma yamuniwo
O! Being deceased by falling down, being deceased untimely, garden of flower lived deceased, flower bush lived deceased being; sit your own place.


141 asawa sang-sang ta-yungiyan?
Who are you remaining with hoping?

142 ailo woda ang suptulung khuduma mechhalung mehenmada saku-dipa-chi saku-dima-chi-wo Chachhuwa -lokma mettungyan chung
Today, I am offering new harvest to suptulung sitted ancestors, here.

143 woda arawa-dam subiya-dam tongbari-dam, phenkuwa –dam yobanawanehai woda hudda yung-kungsa tung-kungsa chanum dunganum
The unhusked rice, ginger, millet beer, have come to here; eat and drink!
each other cordially in common.

144 chhichhokni, wolokni mamudanin
Don’t hate us.

145 maisumi dakhami mamudanin
Don’t be jealous/envious.

Sinhe-bayus are taken very powerful deities (some one calls it evil too). They can be harmful spirit. So they should have made fulfill their desire. They are always hoping when the rites happen.
Though, the invocation is done without break in the real performance. These versions could be able to dissect in to section. Not all versions are structured in the exact manner and some are rather irregular. The performer often uses the formal idioms for approaching ancestor but sometimes they use colloquial or less respective (esp. for ominous deities) and tuning also uses with changing manner. Thus by means of ritual language and its tuning they made the ancestor in different order of being.

3.8 Summary
Chachhuwa ritual speech is documented in the version by taking the recording of ritual performance in the study area. They are divided into different section according to action and reference of place and person along with same structure. The various priest perform the ritual speech in terms of tuning, rhyme, scheme, repition which are subject to considerable variation, according to their own convenience.























4. Ancestral Village in the back drop of Tamke









CHAPTER IV
The Chachhuwa Ritual Text and its Socio-Culture Values
4.1 Introduction:
Chapter-IV deals with concept of Munddum including Chachhuwa ritual speech and issues of trans-generational transmission of ritual knowledge in section 4.1, next turns to analysis of the rhetorical and poetic properties of texts. Last section (4.3) tries to attempt the social cultural context of Chachhuwa text in terms of indigenous knowledge which inherent in Rai Bantawa community.
4.2 The Concept of Chachhuwa Ritual Speech
4.2.1 Mumddum and Chachhuwa Text
Firstly, "Munddum" refers to a central and highly complex notion which meanings may be "oral tradition” ancestral knowledge or generally traditional way of life among Rai Bantawa along with other Kirant community. The Munddum has many nomenclatures such as “Mundhum” in Limbu, “Muddum” in Mewahang Rai, “Muntum” in Yamphu Rai “Riddum” in Kulunga and “Dum” in Chamlimg. It is simultaneously known as “ritual”, “ritual tradition”, “manner and custom ", “course” too. It signifies that Munddum is a base of Rai Bantawa Community; since Munddum is a base of cultural life, history, tradition even law and order among community. It is seen as something brought up from the place of origin by the ancestors (Gaenszle: 31). Munddum is a course of culture, religion, and lifecycle rite from the immemorial generation to generation past by dictating, reciting telling, now, conceived by Mabi (perform Shamanic events in order to free the client household from affliction). Kubi, (pure shaman who celebrates domestic ritual and chandi), knowledgeable experts and elders (Rai, 1998: ‘kha’). The Munddum is an oral tradition which provides the means for proper ritual action during life cycle rites Chachhuwa , Sakela etc. for the maintenance of the ancestral order. The recitation of the Munddum is used as an instrument to restore an original order and harmony through an enactment of a contact wit the ancestral world.
The Chachhuwa ritual speech is sung in the context of Nuwagi ritual. The invocation (Song) is derived from the Kirant philosophy Munddum. It has the great significance not only to perform the Chachhuwa ritual but also cultural print of view. The risiwa (ritual speech) is invoked for the situating, presenting and request to the ancestral forebear.
The Chachhuwa is a kind of ritual song. So that it is recited in oral form. The Nakchong is the real performer of this Chachhuwa ritual. His visual gesture, tuning quality of speech keep the special meaning, which is observed in the ritual speech.
The ritual speech has been attributed by different properties such as linguistic richness, rhetorical politeness and respect. Its language is associated with Tibeto-Burman family. The ritual speech can be categorized in different genres as Gaenszle's Category 'Ceremonial dialogue' ‘Lay invocation’, ‘invocation of elders’ and ‘ritual texts of the initiated ritual specialist’ (36). They are differentiated according to involvement of ordinary language, its degree of formality, linguistic devices and referentiality.
The Chachhuwa ritual speech is attached to lay invocation and invocation of elder somehow. The ritual text is used by Nakchong and knowledgeable elders. It is mainly used in the annual calling of ancestors in which the ancestors are addressed for remembrance. Thus, the language is very polite, respective, and formal.
4.2.2 Transmission of Ritual Text
The Chachhuwa ritual speech is characterized as an indigenous concept of oral tradition and in fact we have seen that there is a totalizing aspect to it which can be represented by calling it, the tradition of Rai Bantawa. It is understood in the sense of culture as a whole; it is seen as something that arose in primordial times and was then transmitted in a basically unchanged form through a long line of ancestors, it belongs to the community, marking out the group's identity. The crucial point is that safeguards, the integrity, authenticity and continuity of the tradition. Then we would see the mode of transmission from one generation to next, in which the persons handle this process.
There are different categories of ritual specialists, the experts and guardians of the Chachhuwa, who are in charge of performing the rituals, preserving the ancestral knowledge. They are characterized as knowledgeable elders, Nakchhong, Chandi Nakchhong, Nagire (priest of Nagire ritual), Makpa. This category is based on their competence and performing qualification.
Knowledgeable elders: This category can be regarded as an aged group i.e. the person roughly reached above fifty years age. It is said that one, somebody has seen his grand son or grand daughter. He/she also becomes knowledgeable in matters of the Chachhuwa. Thus, the category is not defined by the criterion of age alone but also by criterion of knowledge which is commonly associated with seniority. It is socially expected that with a certain age one has acquired a standard knowledge in traditional affair. Generally some knowledge in ritual and mythological matters is acquired long before by member of this aged group just by presenting on the various ritual occasions and “picking it up” from elders through the means of hearing. This acquiring word is called ‘khengma-kha' where 'kengma' means "hearing" and 'kha' means 'word'. In Wakhrang, the study area, GD (95yrs.) is a knowledgeable elder who has about almost domestic ritual. He can still chant the Chachhuwa risiwa but does not perform the ritual. There is separate ritual priest to perform Chachhuwa in this village. He acquired this knowledge from his grandfather who was also knowledgeable person.
Nakchhong and Makpa: The Categories refer as 'tribal priest' or simply priest. It is wide spread phenomenon among the Kirant Rai community that there are two distinct categories of ritual specialists. One in charge of the ritual and public cults, linked with the agricultural cycle (eg. Chachhuwa, Mangsire, Thampung) and the interaction with auspicious ancestors and deities. Other is in charge of therapeutic cults dealing with in a inauspicious spirits and other afflictions. However both specialists would be as shaman or bijuwa in a wider sense but in order to reflect the indigenous distinction. It is render the formaer catergory as 'tribal pricst' or priest' and latter as ‘Shaman’.
The Nakchhong of Rai Bantawa is the initiated ritual specialist for the ordering ancestral cults, rites and ritual such as Chachhuwa offering, Nagire, Thampung etc. Nakchhong has got the Munddum or knowledge in dream journey. One started to dream since childhood. A special kind of occurrence happened in dream which is different from what ordinary person sees. RC narrates his dream journey that he frequently met his guru who was his ancestral grandfather in the dream. He used to take dream journey toward upper led by guru. The guru persuaded him to take ‘initiation’ for the ritual act. He has got every knowledge and Munddum which is dictated and trained by his guru in the dream state. Such kind of acquisition is called sechiya (according to DB). When he became perfect then he started to take the enactment of ritual performance for becoming a Nakchhong, the crucial experience is the encounter with guru. They possess the knowledge through the inherited priestly competence. There is some precondition for becoming chosen; the persons who have the right ancestral disposition can come under the influence of ancestral power. There happens the kinship of the transmission process. It may be indirect patrilineal transmission as well as direct patrilineal transmission. For instance RC (75) has got the Munddum from his grandfather. Some Nakchhong has got from uncle while the ideal case is the direct transmission from father to son. If not so, it is possible and indeed quite frequent that it is transmitted after the lapse of one or more generation. In the following chart we can see how got from partrilineal transmission to become the chandi Nakchhong (he also perform Chachhuwa ):
Figure 2 Ancestral line of transmission
1. Jaba Rai
2. Dhana Jang

4. Rangu Pal 3. Dil Bdr.
5.6. Dharma Lal
7. RB
The chart displays the patrilines descending from Jaba Rai. The chart shows two branches in patrilineal transmission. After Jaba Rai died, the turn is inherited to Dhana Jang directly from his father. Then it came to Dil Bahadur who was second son of Jaba Rai's younger son in next branch. Again, it transmitted to Rangu Pal last son of Dhana Jang. Here the generation was overlapped. It shifted towards Dil Bahadur. Who was grandfather of RB then it went to son of Dil Bahadur's third brother. Lastly it comes with RB from his uncle.
In conclusion, the transmission of Chachhuwa seems to be very unique and genuine type. The elders, Nakchhongs have brought down until today by the help of their mental memory transmission. But this case is going to be rare now in the coming generation. The youngster has neglected and forsaken it. At the same time, the Nakchhang opines that the mechanical world has shettered its existence. Thus it is in endangering position.
4.3 Structure of Chachhuwa Ritual Text
The Chachhuwa ritual text exists in oral literature which is constructed or structured in linguistic pattern. The ritual text has the linguistic properties which include the formality of text, poetic devices, and rhetorical strategies. They are the strategies to go through the text with cohesive and contextual parameter (Gaenszle, 2002). By regarding the purpose of ritual activities, the ritual speech is to cause the other side i.e. ancestors are requested to enter into cooperative contact, benevolent and grant what is requested from them, ancestors, superhuman beings. That can be4 considered by the rhetorical strategies and poetical techniques of ritual speech in linguistic detail. The two structural strategies are follows:
4.3.1 The Rhetorical strategies
The strategies in every ritual speech are basically the same in the dealing with superhuman being. A mutual relationship is reconstructed and redefined by ritual speech which is leading to the situation to create and manipulate the relationship with counterparts or ancestors. The words create the facts and have a binding quality. However, the Chachhuwa ritual text is divided into different section, in terms of addressing various individual persons (sec ch. 3, 3.6). Every section can be almost observed with situating, presenting and request as well as parting as rhetorical strategies. During the performance, Nakchhong first ‘situate’ the speaking event by referring to particularities of the performative context. The second step is the presentation of the offering, taking name detail, in which addressees (ancestors) are going to accept. Finally, when the addresses are in favorable mood, the requests are voiced in explicit manner.
Situating
The first step of ritual text generally serves to link it with the context of performance, by referring to the speech act, participants and the time and space of the ritual. This relates the ritual to the ‘here’ and ‘now’ of the client household by situating the speech event the performance is authenticated as an interaction between concrete person.
The Chachhuwa ritual starts off by involving the mangnung (ch.3, 3.6:1) nearby the alter construction. This creates a situation that the actual event is happening in the actual place and with actual clients. This can be differentiated according to their sub-class. In the text Ewaichha’s mangnung is invoked, which to be occurred in the Ewai household. Then the superhuman beings are first ‘greeted’ with a long “one” raising the suptulung. The suptulung is called by their respective, proper name eg. Sawa-lung, khawa-lung, chheku- lung, suri-lung, thuma-lung bara-lung, sungri-lung, chheku-lung, suri-lung, thuma-lung, bara-lung, rungri-lung (ch.3,3.6:2). He identifies the client through the samait, name of their proto-clan, which is often combined with a ritual kinship term. Considering to the following line in Chachhuwa ritual:
2 One a:… sawa-lung, khawa- lung, chheku-lung- da; suri-lung, thuma-lung, bara–lung- da; Riddum-lung, rungri-lung-da, yayomma yamuniwo saku-dipa-chi saku-dima-chi
Hey…, living in Son-hearth stone, Asset-hearth stone, Daughter-hearth stone; living in Upright-hearth stone, laying-hearth stone, Barrier-hearth stone; living in intellectual hearth stone, bestowed hearth stone; ancestral-forefather ancestral-foremother.

Here, the priest refers to the social identity of the clients who belongs to the Changchha proto-clan, or samait of Ewai pachhas or ancestors and deities are identified with their specific term. In Chachhuwa , the speaker calls the saku-dipa(male), saku-dima(female) to all ancestor throughout the text but he takes the term like mabi-lang, apturung-munachiwo, Khakchela munachiwo, Khoretuna lontink, Chakkacha Makdung, Hallawa-Mamang (ch.3,3.6: 30, 119,129). The speaker directly take the name of persons who reside in samakha [suptulung] (ch.3, 3.6: 43, 52) and adjectival name of client as bele-chha, kharu-chha (Ch.3.5:13). Thus this text begins with specifying the particular context.
The address of the counterpart is generally followed by a reference to the temporal setting, which emphasizes that ‘now’ by term ‘ailo’ is precisely the proper time for the ritual events.
Three puts the term “domgdapma ailo” in line-3 in which the temporal deictic adverb ‘ailo’. The section iii of text is totally dedicated to invoke the temporal setting. The reference of traditional system of time reckoning is used to express the appropriateness of rituals time.
17 ailo supchiwo dondawaki, bantimo lasani
Now, the time is winter (descending), the time is turned.

This line talks about the change of season. The seasons starts off winter cold, the rain is stop. All birds of locality descend toward the basin valley. The summer grain began to turn into ripe. The recurring term ‘ailo’ becomes the deictic verb (c.f. Gaeeszle) which connotes the ritual events is in appropriate time.
Similarly, the spatial frameworks of the event are frequently found at the beginning of every invocation (section). For instance, in line 2, 3,119,128,139; the case denoted affix, ‘da’ (means ‘in’) is frequently used. It refers that the particular personal symbols are lived in their particular place. It is calling, which used when ritual events take place in the particular place.
19 chhinyari-ma yoiyaki, begleku-ma yoiyaki, napiling-ma yoiyaki, narowa yoiyaki
chhunya bird, beglekma bird, napilingma bird, karyangkurung start to descend toward the basin valley, plain.

The verb like ‘yoiyaki’(ch. 3.5:19) also denotes spatial references. Here, ‘yoiyaki’ is used to show the birds are descended to the ‘basin valley’. The domestic fire place is another important spatial deictic. The hearth or suptulung (B.) is usually the recited in the starting stage of ritual events. Naming to the hearths indexes the present client household’s ritual speech centre (ch. 3.5:2)
All these indexical reference (Gaenszela, 2002) - time, place, person-contribute to situating or ‘anchoring’ the ritual speech acts in the concrete and singular context of the performance. This rhetorical strategy may build up for personal, almost intimate link with addressees who are invited in the events.
Presenting
The presentation of offering is next rhetorical step of Chachhuwa, the offerings are spelled out in the ritual speech emphasizing that everything is there.
It has been pointed out that by announcing the ritual name of the offered item; one shows the item itself to the superhuman being. Thus the word is not only signifier for the object, but it is seen as co-substantial with object. The offering prices are presented primarily through the act of announcing the ritual name of items. The ritual name “tuplachhari”, “solonchhari sangmariya”, ‘khambodima’, ‘watapma-cha’ ‘suikup-cha’ ‘subi-bung’, samakha-kok’, ‘chhatiwa’, ‘dibung-sa’, ‘hochi-sa’ recurr often in every section of ritual speech. They are special ritual name which is used in the ritual events only.
We can find special verbs of ritual language which specifically express the act of presentation.
53 tuplachhari ripetsai, khambodima solongchhari sangmariya ripetsai
Banana leaves laying out here, a calabash of millet beer standing here.

54 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripena-penakiya
Here, tools earned grains are presented.

55 duduri-cha, himuri-cha, pokhari-cha, watapma-cha, bakhulup-cha suikup-cha, chhima-upla, subi-upla chhang ripena-penakiya
Milky grain, mountain grain, wetland rice, millet, kagun, rice plant, ginger plants are presented here.
56 sali-kok, bhangma-kok, samkha-kok yobanawonehai
New cooked rice, pitri rice have come here.

In this above lines, the verb ‘ripetsai’ meaning ‘to be’ presented and ‘yobanawonchai’, meaning ‘has brought here’, are used only in ritual speech but not in ordinary language. These verbs denote the transitive act of ritual.
The various items are first ‘shown’ one by one through enumerating name and then explicitly “handed over” by using respective verb “chanum” “dunganum”, meaning ‘eat and drink’ in a pleasant frame of mind not with dangerous and unpleasant e.g. Line 37-42.
Request
After the offerings have been accepted and the invitees partake of it, the performer voices for requests. The requests is called, ‘rungri dotmao’, in Bantawa, meaning ‘to request the bestow’. The requests are spoken out toward the end of every offering (section of text) to the ancestors, when the positive condition have been successfully created.
In the Chachhuwa ritual speech, the request can be found many times when individual ancestor and all ancestors have been offered. These are the presentation of offering with invitation and eat and drink. The actual request is for beneficial acts which one expects in return for these offering is voiced in section viii of text.(line 113-116).
113 Kharu-namnga namnu-sanum
Make shine excellent.

114 Bele-namnga namnu-sanum
Make shine agro-power.

115 Basa-wo lam-nga tuma-wo lam-nga muwanum
Make a way of safety/security; make away of excuse/apology.

116 Wong-mara rak chhu-mara rak rak-nga muwanum
Make the heated power. Make bright, strong, and mighty power.

There the requests are typically constructed with polite verbs. The ‘muwanum’ is polite and honorific but ‘muwane’ is less, which are used for special person (honorable) and ordinary person respectively. The formal ritual idiom is perfectly etiquette and polite whereas ordinary language such as direct request would appear rude. All the verbs are in non-finite form which appears as less direct and less personalized. The verbs like ‘baisamum’, ‘namnu-sanum’, ‘olong- masaye’ are non- finite. They are morphologically constructed by suffixes like ‘ye’, ‘m’ that is polite as well as imperative.
To sum up this section, the ritual rhetoric basically aims at creating favorable conditions for voicing a request. The text use a number of speech strategies to establish a friendly almost intimate link with the addressees or ancestors. They all start off by situating the speech event in terms of time and participants. When the interpersonal link has been established, the offering is presented. Lastly this leads to the polite request in this stage, the priest is not only pleading but is himself actively involved in bringing out the desired effects. In all cases ritual rhetoric contributes to the essential politeness of ritual speech.
4.3.2 Poetic Device
The use of ritual speech is considered as means of persuasion. Persuasion can be accomplished through the poetic and embellished language. Here, poeticity is understood in the general sense as the quality of language which derives from inherent formal and figurative properties. It has an important aesthetic function. To speak politely also means to speak “sweetly” i.e. nice, pleasant, well-measured words (Gaenszle: 115). There are some obvious poetic structure and forms e.g. Parallelism, repetition, rhyming pattern, and metaphor, simile, metonymy etc.
Parllelism
Putting to the similar word or ideas in similar form for the sake of balance is called parallelism (Miller & Suzannes:148). The Chachhuwa ritual text is characterized by pervasive parallelism, which occurs on various levels, from canonical parallelim between verses to the parallelism within single words, the binomial.
15 ….kharu-chha kharu-rongsang, bele-chha bele-rongsang
…valorous son has done hardworking; farmer son has done labor.

In this case, ‘kharu-chha’ is balance against ‘bele-chha’ and ‘kharu’ balance against ‘bele’ and ‘rongsang’ with ‘rongsang’. And here consists of two closely associated names: ‘kharu-chha’ and ‘bele-chha’ meaning valorous son and farming son respectively.
4 kuiyama-yung mamudanin, chhiyama-yung muwanin
Don’t be jealous and angery; do good talk.

5 chhelubasu mamudanin, hadisu muwanin
Don’t bad talk, express good matter.

In these lines, first line is followed by second line in which the term ‘kuiyama-yang’ is balance with ‘chhelubasu’ in terms of negative connotation, similarly ‘chhiyama-yang’ parallels with ‘hadisu’ in terms of positive meaning. Again we can see ‘kuiyama-yung’ has similar rhyme with ‘chiyama-yang’ has similar rhyme with ‘chiyama-yang’. This pairing word or line has contributed to construct the parallelism. In the line 18, the noun ‘chihu-nam’ (wet dirty days) is parallel with ‘chippa-nam’ (tidy day) in term of antonym.
The pair nouns look like binomials, these consist of many syllable in which last syllable, in which last syllable of each limb being identical e.g. Suptu-lung, khawa-lung, suri-lung. Some single lexically related to ordinary language expression e.g. Khambodima-beer(ch.3,3.7: 8) is cognate to the ordinary word ‘di’ and the verb ‘yobanawonehai’ to ordinary verb ‘banane’.
The pairs of noun look like binomial and can be described as single meaning. This construction is fairly common in most text. Pair of phrases e.g. ‘chhichhochni wolokni’, meaning ‘anger’ and ‘maisumi dapchami’, meaning jealous are parallel.
Repetition
The words and versions are recurring many times that is called repetition. It brings aesthetic quality in ritual text. The unique pattern of repetition has got a socio-cultural significance and semantic contribution to the understanding of ritual text. The repetition gives the speaker confidence that the message the performer is trying to communicate with ‘super-human being’. The practice of artful repetition makes possible to memorize the ritual text to be transmitted (Edingo, 2007,172 :). It will be imprinted in the file of memory (see ch.4.2.3) who acquired the ritual speech by ‘khengma’, meaning ‘to be heard’, that is the way to acquisition of Chachhuwa through listening. The elder person acquires words of the Riddum, Chachhuwa through this method.
This repetitive structure is interestingly prevailed in the text in which the performer is actively invoked to bringing about desired affect, especially in the presentation of offering
7 woda tuplachhari ripetsai
Banana leave (tip) lays out here.

8 sirichhenma khambodima, solonchhari sangmariya ripetsai
A calabash of millet beer decorating with banana leaves stands out here.

9 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripetsai; duduriu-cha, himuri-cha ripetsai ; kaya-cha, bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha ripetsai
Tools earned grains are brought here, milky grain, Himalayan grain, wet land grain, millet, kagun are presented.

10 subi-bung, sayapatri-bung, kopila-bung ripetsai
Ginger plant, marigold flowers, buds are presented here.

11 thmpung-sa, dibung-sa, lachong-sa, ripetsai; totla-sa, khiri-sa, ngaya-sa ripetsai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, bear meat, fish are presented here.

12 sali-kok bhangma-kok samkha-kok ripetsai
New cooked rice, pitri rice are presented here.

13 Phenkuwa-dam tongbari-dam chhatiwa-dam ripetsai
New beaten rice, tongba, chhatiwa are also presented here.

These are the section of presentation of offering. The verb ‘ripetsai’ occurs many times that evoke the aesthetic (acoustic) quality and makes please to be heard. In the section viii, request section, the verb ‘baisanum’ ‘namnusa’,’muwanin’ ‘mamudanin’ ‘olong musaye’ are occurred more than two times. The term which recurs in variant but homological forms throughout the whole section. It may help that the priest has memorized the basic formulae characterized by a rather limited numbers of verb and combined with relatively open lexical repertoire of nouns e.g.
9 kodali-cha, bancharo-cha ripetsai; duduriu-cha, himuri-cha ripetsai ; kaya-cha, bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha ripetsai
Tools earned grains are brought here, milky grain, Himalayan grain, wet land grain, millet, kagun are presented.

Here ‘cha’ recurs many times combined with other noun.
Rhythmic pattern
There are two types of rhyming pattern: one internal rhyme and interlinear rhyme. For instance,
1 `Selewa rumrumawahai, Tayalu suserawahai, Apchona phunglenachhawahai’

In this line, the ultimate syllable of each word, phrase is rhymed. The performer takes the place in each rhymed place.
In line 11 the last two syllables rhyme. The rhyming pattern has always occurred in the verbal expression with aa, aa e.g. Line 88- 92
In fact, the performer is very conscious in rhyming pattern to the extent that e.g.
7 woda tuplachhari ripetsai
Banana leave (tip) lays out here.


8 sirichhenma khambodima, solonchhari sangmariya ripetsai
A calabash of millet beer decorating with banana leaves stands out here.

The term ‘ripetsai’, meaning ‘presented’, occurs in both line for rhyming scheme, even this word is not suit in this line for action verb. ‘Yopelungo’, meaning ‘to lay’ and ‘yosangungo’ meaning ‘to stand out’ is preferable instead of ‘ripettai’. Here the performer uses to ‘ripetsai’, to flow the speech smoothly.
Figurative speech
The Chachhuwa ritual speech uses the images and tropes which are intended to be convincing as well as pleasing to listener. By dealing with the uses of figurative language, this is obviously is an integrative part of ritual as whole and operates on various levels. There are some tropes that found on the level of the line or sentences.
Metaphor: Most metaphors are conventional in the context of idiomatic ritual speech. The case is less in the expressions like ‘chima-chowa’ ‘paya-chowa’, ‘ten-chowa’ (ch.3,3.6:21) where ‘chowa’ (to ripe with yellow color) is comsived with ‘ten’ (village) to show the metaphysical phrase. The village doesn’t become itself yellowish of ripen but when the rice start to ripe at the right time the whole earth seems yellow. Thus, here, the term ‘chowa’ is a metaphor for ripening state of village.
Simile: Simile is also metaphoric trope. The term ‘Oisa’, meaning ‘like’ or ‘as’, is applied in the expression to indicate simile e.g.
14 jaranga ngaksiri rikipenmanchin oisa ripena-penakiya
All the offering prices are orderly presented here like banana row/line.
Here the speaker tries to make the decorated presentation through the verbal expression. The image ‘banana bunch’ is allusion of the ordered every item on altar to be presented. It immediately builds a set of mental image.
Metonymy: Metonymy generally refers the act of referring to something by the name of something else which is closely associated with it. The use of metonymy is used as figurative speech. We can find some instances, the metonymic trope in the ritual speech e.g. in the section ii, there uses images like ‘napilingma’, ‘chynya bird’, ‘karyang kurung’ (seasonal bird of study area) and ‘wabhurungma’ (ch.3, 3.6:20), meaning a pair of rainbow which is seen in the finishing of summer. After starting dongdawa (winter) or descending, these particular bird descend toward basin valley. It shows that descending of these birds and seeing of wabhurungma is sign of starting winter, the time change. The bird and wabhurungma are metonymy.
There should not one overstress the use of tropes in this text. A good part of the expressions can be understood in straight forward, literal sense e.g. ‘ichilokma yametnakhidai’ (ch.3, 3.6:81), meaning shake well with sprinkling. Thus such figure is used in rare case in the ritual expression.
4.4 Social-Cultural context
This sub-chapter is totally based on the indigenous conception which is found in study area as a practice and belief. This study area namely Dilpa, Chhinamakhu, Timma- is the residence of majority Bantawa people. However, other clan could be found like Thulung, Sampang, and Koyu. There could be still found the traditional knowledge, concept, assumption, and practice in their typical state. The traditional knowledge, practices, cultural behavior or in other word indigenous discourses are reflected in their ritual and ritual speech, Chachhuwa. They some are related with mythical stories and some are inherited long from primordial times up to now. These things are tried seek under the following rubric in Chachhuwa ritual speech.
4.4.1. Samait and Mangnung as Identity
Rai Bantawa proto-clan identity or Samait is changchha for male and chhenkhama for female. It is determined in the patrilineal pattern. The Samait is considered through the ancestral name, their instinctive quality and behavior. It is differentiated from one pachha to another. To talk about Bantawas’ samait lets see the myth narrated by one elder.
Once a time a parent lived in the south seaside having three sons. First elder son was named ‘Bushara’, second was ‘Bunkha’ and younger one was ‘Changchha’, ‘Bushuru’ was very clever and knowledgeable person but second one ‘Bunkha’ was very straight and dull manner. He could not understand the trick to be entangled. Younger brother, Changchha was very clever who diligently followed what his first brother did good. Once they have moved toward the north direction and arrived at the meeting point of Arun, Tamor, and Sunkoshi river (present day river). There was a stone in the bank of river. Bushura wanted to cross the river toward other side (west). He did know the idea to go next side by sacrificing of kalo jureli on the stone. Then he easily crossed the river. It was being observed by Chanchha, who was following the first brother long before. He followed the same methodology what Bushuru did. Bunkha arrived there very late. He recognized his brothers in the next side. He requested his brothers for idea to cross the river. The twin brother advised that they were crossed after sacrifice their own wife to the stone. It was not the real. Bunkha did the same way, what his brothers had elaborated. Then he neither crossed their river nor regains his wife because their suggestion was false. Bunkha felt so shameful and he returned toward the Tamor following its drainage. Bushura called his wife and Changchha did same saying ‘chenkhama taye, taye!’. Bushura took the side of Sunkoshi river whereas Changchha followed the west side of Arun river.
Rai Bantawas believe that they are descendant of ‘Changchha’ who lived in the drainage of Pikhuwa Khola. This myth can hint of some idea to assimilate the term ‘changchha’ as Samait or Gotra (N.) of Bantawa. Changchha’s literal meaning is the last branch of ‘Kanchha hanga’ of kin in Bantawa’s term. Perhaps it is designated to mean that the Bantawa clan is the last branch of Kirant Rai. Thus Samait can be characterized in the first by name and in some case they merely have a nominal existence. According to the founding myth, the names of samait derived from the names of (Mythical) first sellter.
‘Samait’ has the ethnographic significance among Rai Bantawa. When every ritual, rites has taken place, there would need the samait. The samait must be invoked for the successful ritual. To call the soul of deceased person in the ritual, samait name is preferable
43 One a: … (take name of recent dead) chhangchhayupa lonatinko sakuo-dipa-cheu
Hail… being included in samkha (suptulung) (name) ancestral father.

Here the priest invokes the changchha samait with deceased fore father and in next line also invokes chenkhama samait for ancestral foremother. It also shows that there allows the marriage exchange between same samait.
Mangnung: the term is especially related to the particular kin brother relation of sub-pachha belongs to the mangnung. Mangnung refers the primitive quality or attribute of particular sub- pachha. Especially in the Chachhuwa ritual, it must be invoked in the beginning of performance which refers the actual offering has to be performed in particular client house. Every sub-pachha has different mangnung e.g. Ewaichha Pachha belongs to Selewa rumrumawahai, Tayalu suserawahai, Apchona phunglenachhawahai;
Mukarung Pachha belongs to the ‘Chaura Chausama Bobida Mansama’ (according to RC). This terminology is very difficult to interpret. Very limited elders can interpret it. Unlike samait, the marriage exchange between same mangnung is restricted.
4.4.2. Religion
The Rai Bantawa community has practiced the Kirant religion whatever the Kirant Munddum has prescribed like Chachhuwa, and other rites, ritual, ceremony and whatsoever. There are come under the Kirant religion. The Chachhuwa ritual is also prescribed from Munddum. We can find some typical religious practices in the ritual test. The finding practices are assumed the Rai Bantawas’ religion.
Every Kirant Rai including Bantawas has been kept the three hearthstone inside the house. This is very place where they believe to be remained the ancestors. So the hearth is the idol of reverence. There are three upright stone which is identified by their proper name. As a whole they are recognized ‘suptulung’. The Bantawa community worships the Suptulung thrice time in a year. Chachhuwa ritual should begin with raising the ‘Suptulung’. There should take the name of every hearthstone. Likewise, every rituals, ceremonies, rites are begun, after worshipping the Suptulung to request the strength. The newly married bride should be show or the marriage right is performed in the Suptulung. Rai Bantawa keeps the suptulung always clean and shrine. There would not allow the non-Rai and goat-eater people to touch this shrine place. So the suptulung is the important religious and cultural symbolism of Rai, which introduces Rai as Rai.
The term ‘Saku-dipa’ and ‘Saku-dima’ refers the ancestral forefather and foremother. They recur many times throughout the text. The Rai Bantawas believe that the deceased forefather who dies naturally or auspiciously (see ch.3.4) can enter the samkha or suptulung. They are said to be ‘Saku-dipa’, ‘Saku-dima’ in the ritual. The Rai Bantawa has offered and worshipped or invoked, remembered ancestors taking the term ‘Saku-dipa’, ‘Saku-dima’. They acknowledge them as God rather than the other mythic God, even Sumnima and Paruhang are also assumed to be the idol God as creator of universe and human beings. The ancestors are frequently remembered in the every practices of life. They are assumed to be provider of property, grain, knowledge, favorable time and whatsoever. Thus after the offering (see ch. 3) they are requested for blessing and prosperity of everything.
4.4.3 Sacrificial Ritual Practice
Rai Bantawa practices the sacrificial ritual. They usually offer the chicken, pig etc. a chicken has been sacrificed in the Chachhuwa (ch.3.7 vii). As they believe, the chicken is come with every human being as friend and they have also taken with them. So the Bantawa sacrifices the chicken for their ancestor’s accompaniment. The chicken should be sprinkled clearly which is the sign of happy mood of ancestor’s soul. Before the sacrificing, the priest should have invoked the origin place of chicken as honor.
Another view also prevalent in the community is hunting game of victim. RC mentions that Kirant people were play the game of hunting the victim in the ancient time– before the slash and burn farming. They used to hunt wild animal like deer, bear, wild fowls etc. to sustain their life. So these meats of wild; animal are required in Chachhuwa ritual. These items are invoked in line 11.
11 thmpung-sa, dibung-sa, lachong-sa, ripetsai; totla-sa, khiri-sa, ngaya-sa ripetsai
Hunting meat, deer meat, beef, bear meat, fish are presented here.

Here, ‘thampung-sa’, ‘khiri-sa’, ‘totla-sa’, ‘ngaya-sa’, are the meats which are brought out from wild hunting.
The hunter ancestors are also invoked in line 119.
119 One a:… woda sawa-chhem, lichi-chhem-da, yunginko chhanchhai-pachha-wo, aptarung munachiwo, bayarung munachiwo, dhiyara munachiwo, wasepla munachiwo, khapchela munachiwo, dibuna munachiwo, tokana munachiwo, matmana munachiwo, likhuri munachiwo
Hey… here, living in sawa-chhem, lichi-chhem, chhangchha, hunting forefather (aptarung, bayarung, dhiyara, wasepla, khpchela, dibuna, tokana, watmana)

These ancestral personalities clarifies that the Kirant people was involved in hunting from their beginning lives. They are named with various names according to their hunting tendency e.g. ‘Aptarung Munachiwo’ who used to play with aptarung, meaning bow and arrow; Wasepla Munachiwo who played in wasepla, meaning fern bush.
Therefore, RC said that Rai Bantawa are using these meats and sacrifice the fowls and animal in the ritual that is caused by the ancestral tendency. Nowadays, some Kirants are found as non-violent follower. They do not sacrifice any animals. Instead, they offer the fruit. The chicken is no necessary for Chachhuwa ritual in Chhinangkhong, mostly dominated by Koyu and Siptungkha Pachha, though they practice it on other ritual occasion.
It shows that the Rai Bantawa practices the sacrifice from the previous time, which is still hanging as a tradition.


4.4.4 Time Consciousness
Rai Bantawa has dissected the whole year in to two: dongwanga and dongdawa (See ch.3.2). Dongwnga refers to the summer season when the fish comes to the ‘upstream’, the birds also ascend toward the Himalayan region or lekh. So the time is also called ascending. Dongwanga starts on the Magh or Sripanchami and ends on the Sawan or Nagpanchami. It is the time of warm, humid, and raining. The earth is covered by springing the leaves. It is the season of germination. The bird begins to lay the egg and the seeds are germinated. The people start to plant the seed on earth for cultivation.
Dongdawa starts from the month of Sawan or Nagpanchami. From the time the birds slowly began to descend toward the basin valley for keeping safe from terrible cold. The fish also flows to the ‘downstream’. The monsoon has come near to end. So only partial rain has been precipitated and pair of short rainbows is seen in the south east direction. They are not in full form which doesn’t touch upon next surface of earth. Rai Bantawa calls it as wabhurungma in the study area. (But Jaya Prasad Mukarung Rai, 2062 mentions it as steam). Wabhurungma is not seen the prime time of monsoon but in finishing stage.
Rai Bantawa has taken their rituals, ceremonies, rites according to this Calendar. The priest should invoke the temporal name during ritual performance which creates the appropriateness of condition for actual ritual. In the Chachhuwa ritual speech, many time, the temporal noun e.g. Dongdawa or Dongdapma is used. It shows that this very ritual is taken place for the offering of Dondgawa. There should not mistake to take the time as vice versa. We can observe the section ii of text.
18 chihu-nam chhang chippa-nam lisa
Wet-dirty day turns into tidy and clean.


19 chhinyari-ma yoiyaki, begleku-ma yoiyaki, napiling-ma yoiyaki, narowa yoiyaki
Chhunya bird, beglekma bird, napilingma bird, karyangkurung start to descend toward the basin valley, plain.

20 wabhurungma saganammou
The rainbow (seen in the south side during last of monsoon) has been seen.

21 khoidange ailo, pokhari-cha, watapsu-cha bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha subi-upla, chhima-upla, yama-upla, chhima-chhowa, paya-chhowa ten-chhowa
Therefore, now, wetland rice, millet, kaguna(N.), ginger plant and many grains have turned in to yellowish and they have ripen; the countryside also seen yellowish too.

Here the invocation is hinting the season what exactly is. In line 19, there describes the movement of birds. Line 21 emphasizes that the time is ripe. The crops began to ripe which was planted in Dongwanga. All this elaboration has underline he special occasion of Chachhuwa ritual. Its message can be that the new harvest is ready to consume, the offering of new harvest should be accomplished themselves began to eat.
By observing this ritual text, the Rai Bantawa has indigenous knowledge and concept about the time. They can easily separate the season by assimilating with local natural phenomena. Such as bird movement, fish movement and natural change.
4.4.5 Agriculture and Food Habit
According to different finding and historical finding the Kirant Rai involved in the hunting, fishing and collecting fruit in the primitive stage. Then, they had slowly entered in to the agriculture stage that was slash and burn farming. It can be still found that the people practice the khoriya farming for enough yields. The bush is burned and prepared it for sowing the ghaiya rice, millet, and others. In the text the inventory of grain are invoked eg.
21 khoidange ailo, pokhari-cha, watapsu-cha bakhulup-cha, suikup-cha, subi-upla, chhima-upla, yama-upla, chhima-chhowa, paya-chhowa ; ten-chhowa

Therefore, now, wetland rice, millet, kaguna(N.), ginger plant and many grains have turned in to yellowish and they have ripen; the countryside also seen yellowish too.
These highlighted crops are the major crops of Rai Bantawa people. It is thought that from the ancient time these indigenous crops are planted until present day.The rice often planted in wet land. So it calls watapsu-cha, meaning grain of wetland.
The ritual speech can reflect food habit of Rai Bantawa which they used the grain and meat as the food and drink item from the primitive period. They had offered the items as pure offering to the ancestor and the same items also consumed by them in their daily food. The boiled rice is major food. It is called Samakha-kok in ritual speech. It is presented to ancestor and deities in the ritual. The meal including beef has also ritual significance which offers to Pitris. It shows that the beef is accustomed in their previously. But now it is not found that the Rai enjoy in the beef. One elder thinks that the practice of beef eating is prohibited when the Hindu culture entered into Kirant Rai Community. The eating of beef or killing of cow is to commit the big sin, according to the Hindu scripture. The Rai Bantawa has practice the millet beer as a drink. Owing to drink mad (N.), meaning intoxication, or millet beer, the Kirant is categorized under the term “matwali”. By responding the term matwali, Gurung mentions that its “Literal translation emphasizes not on addiction but on free use” (40). The Rai Bantawa offers the pure new millet beer, named as ‘Khambodima’, to their antecessor. It is brought from the mythical period, Sumnima had made marcha, meaning chemical to make beer.
4.4.6 Power and Authority
Every ritual, rite, tradition has controlled the Rai Bantawa’s every day lives. They have to do conscious with their ritual and ceremonies. They are always in fix and order.
We have already talked about the context of Chachhuwa ritual that which is performed in the occasion of new harvested grain. The rice and subi (new ginger plant) are the major offering which Rai Bantawa should have offer new rice and subi to the ancestor before they began to eat. The Bantawa elders think that the seed of subi, rice, millet, and good harvest are given by ancestors. So, they are always hoping the taste of new grain. If the people have began to eat without offering to the ancestor it may certainly bring the distress, calamities and disorder. It is assumed that the ancestors had anger. Thus according to RP they are conscious in their food consumation (esp. ginger and rice), they should performed the Chachhuwa ritual in time.
Talking about the power and authority there is also another context. In the course of field visit, the Nakchhong denied to invoke the Chachhuwa riswa in other time (not performing time) because the Chachhuwa ritual was already over. RP said that mang (ancestral God) would be displeased if he again invokes the Chachhuwa ritual speech. Next in another context DB narrated his experience that he had got troublesome in dream because he delivered the Chachhuwa in the previous day (I made him to recite Chachhuwa for recording). He ascertained that it happened due to unauthorized invocation. The mentioned above context valorizes the power and authority of ritual. The thing is to be made negligence make to be subject danger among Rai Bantawa.
The ritual rites ceremonies have made on institution which circulates the power and authority over the Bantawa community. This institution maintains Bantawa community. This institution maintains Bantawas’ culture and social norms and value. But the institution remains in abstract form.
4.5 Summary
The Chachhuwa ritual speech being associated with Munddum is an oral archaic tradition. The recitation of the risiwa is used as instrument to restore an original order and harmony through an enactment of a contact with the ancestral world. The Munddum is transmitted in a unique manner that emanated from teachers. In this case of Nakchhong's tradition, the voice of the ancestors transmits itself through the spiritual patrilineal line. This ensures that it remains essentially the same over generation even their styles and the texts are subject to considerable variation. Its rhetoric, linguistic and poetic form has pointed out that a common attribute of ritual texts that they situate present and request to create favorable and cooperative condition. We can make the sense of social, cultural context such as kinship identity, religion, sacrificial conception, power and authority of ritual speech through the attaching indigenous knowledge and concept.



Chapter V
Conclusion
This study deals the Chachhuwa ritual speech among Rai Bantawa community which belongs to the oral tradition known as Munddum. It is in the archaic form that something brought up by ancestor from the place of origin. By regularly performing the ritual the Rai Bantawa people keep the ritual speech, risiwa (ritual speech) is understood in a basically unchanged form through long line of ancestors. To acquire the ritual language, there needs certain degree of competency on the person which is inherited by the ancestral line. Chachhawa ritual speech exists in oral form which is manifested with humming, reciting, invoking in the particular ritual action. It is vulnerable and susceptible to loss because of its text to be recorded in the memory of knowledgeable elder and Nakchhong (Priest).
An attempt to view the Chachhuwa ritual speech and socio-cultural context have been completed in four chapter with documentation of risiwa and approaching the structural properties and its indigenous knowledge and concept. The first chapter deals background problem, objectives, significance, methodology, literature review and delimitation. The study basically focuses on three objectives applying the methodology which is linguistic approach and indigenous concept about the Chachhuwa ritual text.
The chapter talks about the general ethnographic profile in which origin of Kirant Rai, Pachha, Rai Bantawas’ habitat and people, food, dress, language, religion are detailed. In chapter III, the Chachhuwa ritual speech is documented in the verse form with giving to the general context of ritual and referring to the various ritual symbolisms. Though the various priests perform the ritual speech in various styles in terms tuning, rhyming pattern, which are subject to considerable variation, according to their own convenience. The basic form is always same. The present textual body is brought out from Nakchhongs and knowledgeable elders in the study area. Although the invocation is done without break, we are able to separate the section according to action and reference of place and person. Though there is a great deal of variation, the text is always in the sequencing of formula as situating, presenting and request or parting. First section is totally devoted to the ancestral being who assumed to be resided in suptulung. After situating the offering every ancestors name has been invoked in ascending sequence. Lastly the ancestor is requested to be benevolent sources of prosperity. The offering is shifting toward the next section as the same manner.
The chapter IV deals the concept of ritual text and its trans-generational transmission, linguistic properties and social cultural context. Firstly the concept of ritual speech can be specified through the regular enactment of ritual performance in the actual context. The oral tradition has handed down to the next coming generation through patrilineal transmission. There are various agents who play the vital role to protect the ritual text as sameness of tradition. The knowledgeable elders who always seek to grab the ritual knowledge of ritual language by means of listening. The very poetic nature of ritual speech makes one to record the memory in their mind. Such type of acquiring ritual speech is called ‘khengma-kha’. In the case of Nakchhong, ritual speech is transmitted from one generation to next by the voice of the ancestors transmits itself through the spiritual ancestral line and encounter with one’s teacher in dream which enables the priest to repeat the dream through the performance of ritual. This ensures that it remains essentially the same over generation.
The ritual language is special idiom which is used in order to deal effectively with spiritual being (superhuman). It is used as open system of communication which refers to the specific condition of speech situation as well as an authorative patterned text which set a frame for what can be said or what not. According to the rhetorical strategies, a common attribute of the ritual text is that first situate the event in respect to time, place, and social actors by which speaker makes ready to cooperate and listen. After the situating the performer goes to present the offering material. When the offerings have been accepted and the invitees partake of it the speaker voices their request informal and polite form the request are constructed in highly respective and polite imperative form.
The ritual text is highly dominated by rhyme scheme, repetition, and parallelism as well as figurative devices to some extent. The rhyming pattern and parallelism attributes the richness of ritual speech which brings out sweetness in the invocation. The repetition makes ritual language to stress in a specific situation. The repetition nature of ritual speech gives the performer confidence and strengthens the memory the words have their own intrinsic value and substance. The simile, metaphor, metonymy are seen as a medium to perceive the word through another dimension. It allows one to enter in to a more complex universe. Above all these linguistic features, which transform the ordinary statement in to the spoken word with the ultimate source which transcends concrete time, space and personhood brings the effectiveness of ritual speech.
By observing the ritual text from indigenous knowledge and concept there can be surveyed the multi layered conception which still attach with Rai Bantawa community from long ancient period. We can make the sense of Rai Bantawa such as kinshipness through ‘samait’ and 'mangnung', proto-clan identity and quality religion practices, sacrificial conception, temporal knowledge, agriculture and food practices and so on. It can be observed through the indigenous discourse rather than through pre-established theory. The term, 'samait' and 'mangnung' identifies the kinship affair and cultural affinity of Rai Bantawa. They are different in marriage exchange, where refers same 'samait' allow marriage exchange but not in the case of same ‘mangnung’. Rai Bantawa presupposes the God to ‘suptulung’ where in ‘Saku-dipa’, ‘Saku-dima’ reside. The practice of domestic ritual rites is the major religion they have very close association with natural phenomena accordingly the whole year divide in to dongwanga and dongdawa. Next, the ritual, rites are observed as powerful and authoritative agent which controls and orders the lines of Bantawa as institution. To be indifferent with ritual culture is to be eroding the order of Bantawa.
To sum up, the Chachhuwa ritual is the identity of Rai Bantawa community, which can be preserved and regained back by the continuous enactment of ritual performance in the exact time and manner. By signifying its textual and contextual property, its value is going to be ranged high. Although the risiwa exists with unique way in oral form, the documentation reserves its existence in primitive form in the present day condition.



Glossary

Arawa (B.) Unhusked rice use in ritual.
Barahate patuka (N.)Long pieces if cloth rounds the waits.
Bhendusi (B.) Root of crops.
Busunungwa tit (B.) A rite in which new cloth given to daughter.
Chachhuwa (B.)First harvesting rites among the Rai Bantawa.
Chandi Nakchhong (B.) The priest who perform sakela ritual.
Chaubandi cholo (N.)Put on upper part of body.
Dongdawa (B.) Winter Season (descending time).
Dongwanga (B.) Summer, or first half of season (ascending time).
Fenga (B.) Sweater like cloth.
Henkhuwa dhama (B.) Dripping blood of chicken in to metal bowl to signal the success of ritual.
Kainchimar gunew (N.) Put on under the lower part.
Khasto (N.) Uses for cover of the main body.
Kongpi (B.)The matchmaker man in Kirant Rai marriage rites.
Kubi (B.) Pure shaman who celebrates domestic ritual and chandi.
Lachha (B.)Uses for knitting hair.
Lichichhem (B.) A rack placed on wall where hunting ancestor assume to be resided.
Loti (N.)Use to fasten the gunew.
Mabi (B.) Perform Shamanic events in order to free the client household from affliction.
Mabi yam (B.) The language of Kirant theology.
Mang-lokma (B.) To worship the ancestors in the suptulung.
Mangpa (B.)A shaman who takes the shamanic performance and spiritual healer.
Mekhli and Lukuni (N.) A wear made up of wool put on backside.
Munddum(B.)Oral tradition including mythological narratives as well as ritual speech performance.
Nakchhong (B.)Local priest of Rai Bantawa community.
Nungpuma (B.) Birth rite.
Nuwagi (N.) First offering of newly harvested grain in autumn.
Pachha (B.)Sub group or branch of Rai.
Pagari (N.)White long cloth which is put on around the head in the special occasion as honor.
performing with singing and dancing.
Pitris (N.) Auspicious ancestor
Risiwa (B.)Song of ritual sung by ethnic Preist
Rungriwai (B.) Feeding rite.
Sakewa or Sakela (B.) or Chandi (N.) A great festival celebrated in Baisakh Purnima
Samakamm (B.) Marriage rite.
Saya-chokma (B.)The ritual in which raising the head soul.
Soleya (B.) Calabash of millet beer decorated with rolled banana leaves.
Subahalam (B.)Death rite.
Subi (B.) Ginger.
Suptulung (B.)Three hearth stone, assumed as image of reverence.
Tangmuwa khoma (B.)Shaving off rite (male).
Tangodongma (B.)Scarp-like cloth pieces on their head
Tupla (B.) Banana leaves with half tip side which lays on altar.

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